Showing posts with label trinidad and tobago. Show all posts
Showing posts with label trinidad and tobago. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 8, 2020

Shephard Media: Austal launches first Cape-class patrol vessel for Trinidad and Tobago

 

 

"Austal launches first Cape-class patrol vessel for Trinidad and Tobago"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Shephard Media

December 8, 2020

Originally published: https://www.shephardmedia.com/news/naval-warfare/premium-austal-launches-first-cape-class-patrol-ve/

 Two boats will supplement a fleet of fast patrol craft for counter-narcotics patrols and other missions

The Trinidad and Tobago Coast Guard (TTCG) is scheduled to receive two Cape-class patrol boats (CCPBs) by mid-2021, slightly later than the original intended date of the second half of 2020.

The first of the vessels (CG 41) was launched last month in Western Australia, boatbuilder Austal reported on 4 ...

 

Continue Reading...

Monday, June 8, 2015

Looking Ahead: Latin America and the Caribbean shaping the future of the ATT


"Latin America and the Caribbean shaping the future of the ATT"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Looking Ahead-blog
Forum on the Arms Trade
June 8, 2015
Originally published: http://www.forumarmstrade.org/looking-ahead-blog/latin-american-and-the-caribbean-shaping-the-future-of-the-att


On August 24-27, Mexico will host the First Conference of the State Parties (CSP) to the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). This is an important high-profile meeting aimed at establishing the permanent headquarters and a secretariat for the ATT. It is noteworthy that a Latin American nation will host the event. While not major weapons expenders a la the United States or Russia, in recent years Latin American and Caribbean nations have earmarked significant portions of their defense budgets for new acquisitions. Hence, it is important that these two regions are taking a pro-active stance on the future of the global arms trade by helping to shape the ATT’s future.

Just this past February, Trinidad and Tobago hosted the First Preparatory Meeting Towards The First Conference of States Parties to the Arms Trade Treaty. According to a press release by Mexico’s Secretariat of Foreign Affairs, the meeting in Port of Spain addressed issues like “the format, mandate and configuration of the future Secretariat,” as well as financial regulations.  Security expert Rachel Stohl from the Stimson Center noted, however, that the “only matter of substance agreed to … was that the first annual report on authorized arms exports and imports will cover calendar year 2015 with a submission deadline of May 31, 2016.” More meetings have since occurred and others are scheduled with the goal of seeing 
the August meeting bring momentum to the process.

For the time being, Mexico City has praised itself for having been chosen to host the CSP. In December, Mexican Ambassador Jorge Lomónaco declared that “[Mexico’s election] is, without a doubt, an example of trust and a form of recognizing our country as an important player of the international community; [we are] reliable [and] neutral.” Such self-praise is understandable, and it will hopefully be validated in a few months.

Apart from hosting major meetings, the Caribbean states are a major pillar of the ATT, Europe’s support notwithstanding. Several countries in that region have ratified it, like Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Meanwhile, Latin American states that have also ratified it include Argentina, El Salvador, Panama, Paraguay, and the CSP’s hosting nation, Mexico. In fact, Costa Rica, known for being a military-less nation in a violence-prone Central America, has not only ratified the ATT but was one of its original sponsors. Meanwhile, Brazil, with its strong military industry (i.e. EMBRAER), and other significant spenders like Chile, Colombia and Peru have only signed the treaty.

At this point, it is necessary to stress that Latin America is by no means undergoing a disarmament process. In recent years, we have seen a variety of major weapons sales by countries that have ratified or signed the ATT. For example, in 2013 Brazil signed a multi-billion deal for Swedish Gripen warplanes. Meanwhile, Peru has purchased FN Scar rifles and Gatling M-134D machine guns for its armed forces to crack down on narco-insurgency in the Peruvian Andes. As for Mexico, the U.S. has authorized the sale of Blackhawk helicopters to its southern partner. In addition, the region’s military industries remain vibrant and are looking to export their domestically made weapons. The prime example is Brazil, as it sold unarmed drones to an unnamed African nation in 2014.

Hence, it will be interesting to hear more detailed information about the concerns, priorities, and interests of Latin American states when they present at the CSP, as they will essentially be supporting an ATT regime, while also trying not to affect weapons sales sought by Latin American governments. Although support for the ATT is strong among these governments, national security threats, particularly drug trafficking and narco-insurgency, remain priorities for these regions and will continue to influence future arms procurement strategies.

The selection of Trinidad and Tobago as well as Mexico to host conferences that determine the future for this vital piece of global legislation is a big honor that stresses the nations’ support for the ATT’s success. Certainly, there are many challenges that the ATT must address before it becomes a relevant regime that regulates the arms trade. Hence, it is important that the ATT enjoys the support of violence-prone regions like Latin America and the Caribbean. Hopefully this momentum will translate into positive news out of Mexico City.



Alejandro Sanchez is Senior Research Fellow at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs.

Saturday, June 1, 2013

VOXXI: Chinese President Jinping to embark on Latin American and Caribbean tour


Chinese President Jingping to embark on Latin American and Caribbean Tour
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
May 28, 2013
Originally published: http://www.voxxi.com/jinping-embark-on-latin-american-tour/

Between May 31 and June 6, Chinese President Xi Jinping will travel to the Western Hemisphere as a strong display of the key role of Latin America and the Caribbean. As part of his tour he will visit the U.S., Mexico and Costa Rica, as well as Trinidad and Tobago.
As this will only be President Jinping’s second foreign policy tour since he was inaugurated this past March (the first one was to Russia and to attend a BRICS summit in South Africa), Beijing clearly considers Latin America and the Caribbean to be strategically important trade partners and allies.

Visits and initiatives

It is important to do a brief analysis of China’s relations with each country that the Chinese president will visit. It makes sense that he will travel to Mexico, which enjoys a vibrant economy.
It is interesting to note that Beijing and Mexico City have had historically tense relations, as these countries have competed with one another to supply manufactured goods to the U.S.
This competition was best exemplified by Mexico’s resistance to China’s bid to join the World Trade Organization. But times are changing and the two states have grown close economic and diplomatic ties, which were enhanced by Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto’s recent April trip to China.
Given the fact that both heads of state were only recently inaugurated, these types of diplomatic visits so early into their presidencies could signal a strong trans-oceanic rapprochement in coming years.
Meanwhile, Costa Rica has a growing economy and—in spite of recent scandals involving its president—is regarded as a success story. Jinping’s trip is being  preceded by the late May meeting between Chinese Vice Premier Zhang Gaoli and Bernal Jimenez, president of Costa Rica’s National Liberation Party.
It is worthy to note that China has reasons to increase ties with San Jose. Besides being a rising economy in Central America, the country has ambitious foreign policy goals.
It recently became part of the Pacific Alliance and also aims to gain membership to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. San Jose forged alliances with Beijing in 2007, when the Costa Rican government switched from recognizing Taiwan to establishing relations with China. Among binational projects, the two governments are working to build an oil refinery in Costa Rica’s Limon province.
Moreover, President Jinping will travel to Trinidad and Tobago in the Caribbean. China has been very active in the Caribbean in recent years, utilizing investments and loans to gain allies among regional states (this is often coined as “dollar diplomacy”).
For example, the country is helping the Bahamas build an ambitious hotel resort known as the Baha Mar complex. According to reports, Chinese companies are also heavily involved in Trinidad and Tobago, constructing projects such as the “Couva Children’s Hospital, UWI South Campus, Debe and a Confucius Institution.”
Certainly, it is impossible to discuss China without mentioning Taiwan, as the two governments are trapped in a never ending battle for influence and allies. David Lin, Taiwan’s foreign minister, travelled to the Caribbean last January, a diplomatic tour that took him to Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saint Kitts and Nevis and Haiti.
There has been speculation that the Taiwanese President, Ma Ying-jeou, will also carry out a trip to the region, which has yet to happen. Besides counterbalancing Beijing’s influence in Latin America and the Caribbean, Taiwan is also seeking to “create favorable conditions for Taiwan’s future inclusion in the Trans-Pacific Partnership.”

Why not Venezuela?

Even though the Chinese head of state will have a full schedule during his four-nation trip, it is meaningful that he will not be travelling to Venezuela, which is still  dealing with the aftermath of the passing of its longtime leader, Hugo Chavez, and the controversial April 14 elections, which saw Nicolas Maduro emerge as the new president.
During Chavez’s rule, the South American country purchased Chinese military hardware and, more importantly, China has become a vital consumer of Venezuelan oil. Hence, it would have made sense for President Jinping to travel to Caracas, as a way to cement relations with the new Maduro presidency.
However, it seems like the Chinese government is avoiding Caracas due to ongoing tensions in the South American country, oil interests notwithstanding, until the situation quiets down. A similar occurrence already happened last February, when Russian Prime Minister, Dmitry Medvedev, carried out a brief tour of Latin America (he visited Brazil and Cuba), but skipped Venezuela at a time when the interim Maduro government (before the elections) could have used some symbolic diplomatic support from Chavez’s allies.
Certainly, a head of state does not need to visit every single ally during a diplomatic tour, nor is it conceivable that he would have the time to do so. That is what his ambassadors, ministers and other high ranking officials are there for.
For example, General Wang Guanzhing, of the Chinese military’s High Command, recently visited Bolivia, where he met with Ruben Saavedra, the Andean nation’s defense minister. During the meeting, the two signed a decree to strengthen bilateral security relations.
Nevertheless, given the close ties between Caracas and Beijing during the Chavez era, China’s decision to overlook Venezuela indicates that times may be changing and Maduro should not take previous alliances for granted. The new Venezuelan president may will to work hard to reaffirm the global relationships that his predecessor had established with the world powers like China and Russia.
Issues with Venezuela aside, it goes without saying that President Jinping’s tour will help strengthen China’s relations in Latin America and the Caribbean from both an economic stance, as well as a diplomatic one (vis-à-vis the Beijing’s “question,” to put it mildly, over Taiwan).


Read more: http://www.voxxi.com/jinping-embark-on-latin-american-tour/#ixzz2UyZajIBL