CSIS: "Experts React: COP29 Highlights, Challenges, and Emerging Trends in Global Climate Policy"

 

 

"Experts React: COP29 Highlights, Challenges, and Emerging Trends in Global Climate Policy"

 26 November, 2024

Originally published: https://www.csis.org/analysis/experts-react-cop29-highlights-challenges-and-emerging-trends-global-climate-policy 

The 29th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP29) brought heads of state, diplomats, climate experts, business leaders, nongovernmental organizations, and activists to Baku, Azerbaijan, to assess global climate efforts and discuss opportunities for cooperation. Amid a series of new pledges and commitments, parties agreed on a global carbon market framework, enabling countries to trade emissions credits under the Paris Agreement. Additionally, after some heated exchanges and a run into overtime, developed countries agreed on a 300 billion USD annual climate finance target. The so-called New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) will support climate actions in developing countries.

CSIS experts react to some of the conference’s most notable highlights and preview an era of uncertainty for international climate efforts.

 

Wilder Alejandro Sánchez, Senior Associate (Non-resident), Americas Program

An important meeting under the COP29 banner was the Leaders’ Summit of the Small Island Developing States (SIDS) on Climate Change. Small island nations, like the Caribbean states, Mauritius, and the Maldives in the Indian Ocean, or the Solomon Islands and Micronesia in the Pacific, face an existential risk due to climate change and global warming and its effect on rising sea waters.

SIDS delegations must have a voice at the table of negotiations regarding climate change so that decisions will be specifically aimed at ensuring that their nations survive. The Baku Declaration on Amplifying SIDS’ Voice at COP29 for a Resilient and Sustainable Future was adopted during the summit.

Part of the Canadian pledge during the Global Methane Pledge ministerial meeting at COP specifically addressed SIDS, as Ottawa committed 7.5 million USD over four years to reduce methane emissions from the waste in Belize, Grenada, Guyana, Saint Lucia, Fiji, and Samoa. Similarly, the United Kingdom pledged 6.7 million USD to the Pacific Catastrophe Risk Insurance to ensure “more Pacific countries have the insurance they need in place” before catastrophic weather events.

Baku was eager to provide the SIDS states with a voice at COP. During the preparations leading up to the conference, President Ilham Aliyev met with the governor-general of Tuvalu, the prime minister of the Kingdom of Tonga, and the minister of foreign affairs of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas. The Azerbaijani government also reportedly financially supported the participation of SIDS delegates at COP and preceding meetings.

The SIDS are the first to experience the devastating consequences of climate change. For them, climate change-exacerbated weather events, particularly rising sea waters and hurricanes, are national security and existential threats. COP29 and future iterations of COP must focus more on protecting SIDS and helping their populations.

 

 

e-IR: "Moldova to Host the EPC Summit: A Little Country on a Big Stage"

 

"Moldova to Host the EPC Summit: A Little Country on a Big Stage"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

E-International Relations

16 May, 2023

Originally published: https://www.e-ir.info/2023/05/16/moldova-to-host-the-epc-summit-a-little-country-on-a-big-stage/

The Republic of Moldova will host the 2nd Summit of the European Political Community (EPC) on 1 June, putting the European nation on the international center stage. While the EPC is a new organization finding its path in the veritable alphabet soup of regional organizations that already exist across Europe, hosting this Summit is essential for Chisinau and Moldovan President Maia Sandu. In the future, this Summit can be viewed as an example of Moldova’s pro-European foreign policy as long as the meeting is remembered for all the right reasons.

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LIP: Puno to host World Congress on Quinoa

"Puno to Host World Congress on Quinoa"
W. Alejandro Sanchez & Brittney Figueroa
Living in Peru
20 February, 2017
Originally published: http://www.peruthisweek.com/food-puno-to-host-international-conferences-on-quinoa-111276

Peru will host the VI World Congress on Quinoa and the IIIInternational Symposium of Andean Grains on March 21-24, 2017. The event will take place at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano de Puno in the Puno region of southern Peru. The Congress’s objectives include promoting the nutritional, cultural, and gastronomic aspects of this grain to improve its stance in the global market, and also as a way to “reduce poverty and hunger, particularly in the communities of the high Andes.”

Peru is a global producer of this healthy grain, and is in constant competition with neighboring Bolivia for the title of Biggest Producer. The income gained from quinoa exports, as well as the way it helps promote the “made in Peru” brand across the world, makes the production of this grain a matter of national importance.

Export Numbers – Markets

Data from last year’s quinoa production and exports highlights the importance of this Peruvian crop, with the U.S. being its main destination. According to the Peruvian export association, Adex, between January and August of 2016, the country exported 33,778 tons of quinoa, 36% more than during the same period in 2015. Of this amount, 43% was bought by the U.S., with other destinations being Canada, Hong Kong, Israel, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. While the developed world continues to favor the grain as part of an ongoing health food craze, Peruvian quinoa is not just for consumption, as it can be utilized to produce cosmetics that Peru aims to export to the Asia Pacific region. Over half a million Peruvians make a living from growing quinoa,according to the Peruvian government.

Meanwhile, Bolivia continues to be a major quinoa producer with exports totaling 25 thousand tons in 2015, and 26 thousand tons in 2016. Moreover, other countries, like France, the United Kingdom, and the United States have their own variations of homegrown quinoa.

While production (in terms of volume) in the latter countries cannot be compared to the Andean states, it still poses a problem, as these are the target export countries for Lima and La Paz. Hence, consumption of locally-grown quinoa decreases the profits the South American countries obtain.

Another problem is the over-saturation of the market, which could reduce profits across the board. This is already happening in Bolivia, as a January 27, 2017 report in the daily Los Tiemposexplained. According to the article, 10% of two thousand Bolivian quinoa growers (members of the national quinoa association ANAPQUI) have stopped growing this crop “due to a fall in the international price and due to a drought.” Although not yet an issue in Peru, the situation in neighboring Bolivia should be of concern for Peruvian quinoa growers as well.

Culinary Diplomacy

A final word should be said about the role of quinoa as a component of a country’s culinary and cultural diplomacy. In 2013, Peru achieved a major victory when the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations declared that year as the International Year of the Quinoa. Peruvian delegations regularly participate in international food fairs, in which different types of quinoa are shown to business owners and the general public. The goal is to not only increase Peruvian exports, (and by default, help the Peruvian state obtain more revenue) but also to establish a globally-known “made in Peru” brand that is associated, in this case, with culinary flavor and richness. Given the saturation of the global quinoa market, it is critical that Peruvian authorities ensure that international consumers regard Peruvian-grown quinoa as the most preferable.

Conclusions

In a 2013 commentary for Blouin News, one author argued, “Peru should embark in an aggressive culinary diplomacy by taking advantage of its rich agricultural resources and well-regarded traditional dishes. Capitalizing on the global craze over quinoa was a well thought-out initiative by the Peruvian government.” Lima has generally followed this suggestion, and the upcoming World Congress on Quinoa and the International Symposium of Andean Grains in Puno should cement a global association between quinoa and Peru. (While not the objective of this analysis, the authors would like to applaud the fact that the congress will take place in Puno, not in the capital, which is a step toward diversifying where international events are held in Peru.)

Quinoa’s importance is multifaceted, not only to Peru, but also to the rest of the world, hence it is commendable that the organizers of the upcoming World Congress include the ministries of Agriculture, Culture, Environment, and Foreign Affairs. The anticipated success of the event will help reaffirm Peru’s position as a global producer of quinoa.

W. Alejandro Sanchez Nieto is an international security analyst. Follow him on Twitter:@W_Alex_Sanchez

Brittney J. Figueroa is a recent graduate from the University of California, Santa Barbara with a Bachelors degree in Global Studies, and a Minor in Latin American Iberian Studies.

The views presented in this essay are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the authors are associated.

Peru This Week: Peru - A Hub for Conferences?

"Peru: A Hub for Conferences?"

W. Alejandro Sanchez

August 17, 2015

Peru This Week

Originally published: http://www.peruthisweek.com/blogs-peru-hub-for-conferences-107134

The Peruvian government is constructing a brand new convention center in San Borja, one of Lima’s posh neighborhoods. The goal is to have the center ready in time for the 2015 Annual Meetings of the World Bank Group and the International Monetary Fund, which will take place in Lima in October. But while it is important that Peru is hosting such important global gatherings, it would be even more welcome-news if such meetings occurred more often in cities other than the capital.

The Lima Centro de Convenciones (LCC)is a grandiose project that is currently in construction. According to the Peruvian government, it will cover an area of some 10,000 square kilometers. It will have 18 conference rooms (some of which can be subdivided, bringing the total to 22), and the biggest one will hold up to 5,000 people. Overall the complex will be able to accommodate up to 10,000 guests. The LCC is strategically located for easy access and a nice view, as it is close to two major highways (Javier Prado Ave. and Aviación Ave.) and next to the National Library and the Museo de la Nación (Museum of the Nation). The Peruvian government is sparing no expenses on this project, as the LCC’s price tag is around 530 million Nuevos Soles (roughly $166 million USD).

According to José Díaz, director of the “Nuestras Ciudades” program (“Our Cities;” part of the Ministry of Housing), the construction is on schedule and it should be completed by the end of August. Nevertheless, not everyone is happy with this major project, as people who live in San Borja have complained of the incessant noise due to the construction.

Noise pollution aside, a brand new convention center will help Peru become a go-to location for other major events. Of course, Peru has already made a name for itself in this area since it regularly hosts major gatherings. For example, in 2008 Lima hosted a summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. More recently, in December 2014 I wrote about the importance of the 20th session of the Conference of the Parties and the 10th session of the Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (COP 20/CMP 10), a major summit on climate change that was also held in Lima.

Very important gatherings have taken place in the capital, but other cities should also have the opportunity to host them. Thankfully, this is already occurring to a certain extent. Just this past July, President Ollanta Humala met with his counterparts from Colombia, Chile and Mexico – the members of the Pacific Alliance –in Paracas, south of Lima. The agreement signed at this gathering is called “The Declaration of Paracas,” which has a nice ring to it for people who know Paracas as a tourist destination and also due to its pre-Inca culture of the same name. As for upcoming meetings outside of the capital, the southern city of Arequipa will organize an international mining convention, Perumin32, this September.

Last September, while inspecting ongoing construction, Housing Minister Milton Von Hesse declared that thanks to the LCC, “Lima will finally have a convention center of an international scale.” This will turn the Peruvian capital into one of the best hub centers for events and conventions in Latin America. Lima becoming a global center for conventions is a positive and noble goal; however, other Peruvian cities should also be actively utilized. For example, Chimbote has a fairly modern convention center (the Centro de Convenciones – ULADECH Católica) that should also be utilized for major events, like ministerial meetings or multinational investment gatherings.

The Peruvian government needs to continue decentralizing the many meetings and summits it will host. Having one grandiose conference center in the capital, namely the LLC, makes sense for gatherings like the IMF, World Bank, or the 2016 APEC summit. However, the Andean nation’s other major cities should not be forgotten, but rather actively utilized as conference hubs. The ultimate goal should be that Peru as a whole should be Latin America’s conference hub, not just the capital.

Looking Ahead: Latin America and the Caribbean shaping the future of the ATT

"Latin America and the Caribbean shaping the future of the ATT"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Looking Ahead-blog
Forum on the Arms Trade
June 8, 2015
Originally published: http://www.forumarmstrade.org/looking-ahead-blog/latin-american-and-the-caribbean-shaping-the-future-of-the-att


On August 24-27, Mexico will host the First Conference of the State Parties (CSP) to the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). This is an important high-profile meeting aimed at establishing the permanent headquarters and a secretariat for the ATT. It is noteworthy that a Latin American nation will host the event. While not major weapons expenders a la the United States or Russia, in recent years Latin American and Caribbean nations have earmarked significant portions of their defense budgets for new acquisitions. Hence, it is important that these two regions are taking a pro-active stance on the future of the global arms trade by helping to shape the ATT’s future.

Just this past February, Trinidad and Tobago hosted the First Preparatory Meeting Towards The First Conference of States Parties to the Arms Trade Treaty. According to a press release by Mexico’s Secretariat of Foreign Affairs, the meeting in Port of Spain addressed issues like “the format, mandate and configuration of the future Secretariat,” as well as financial regulations.  Security expert Rachel Stohl from the Stimson Center noted, however, that the “only matter of substance agreed to … was that the first annual report on authorized arms exports and imports will cover calendar year 2015 with a submission deadline of May 31, 2016.” More meetings have since occurred and others are scheduled with the goal of seeing the August meeting bring momentum to the process.

For the time being, Mexico City has praised itself for having been chosen to host the CSP. In December, Mexican Ambassador Jorge Lomónaco declared that “[Mexico’s election] is, without a doubt, an example of trust and a form of recognizing our country as an important player of the international community; [we are] reliable [and] neutral.” Such self-praise is understandable, and it will hopefully be validated in a few months.

Apart from hosting major meetings, the Caribbean states are a major pillar of the ATT, Europe’s support notwithstanding. Several countries in that region have ratified it, like Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Meanwhile, Latin American states that have also ratified it include Argentina, El Salvador, Panama, Paraguay, and the CSP’s hosting nation, Mexico. In fact, Costa Rica, known for being a military-less nation in a violence-prone Central America, has not only ratified the ATT but was one of its original sponsors. Meanwhile, Brazil, with its strong military industry (i.e. EMBRAER), and other significant spenders like Chile, Colombia and Peru have only signed the treaty.

At this point, it is necessary to stress that Latin America is by no means undergoing a disarmament process. In recent years, we have seen a variety of major weapons sales by countries that have ratified or signed the ATT. For example, in 2013 Brazil signed a multi-billion deal for Swedish Gripen warplanes. Meanwhile, Peru has purchased FN Scar rifles and Gatling M-134D machine guns for its armed forces to crack down on narco-insurgency in the Peruvian Andes. As for Mexico, the U.S. has authorized the sale of Blackhawk helicopters to its southern partner. In addition, the region’s military industries remain vibrant and are looking to export their domestically made weapons. The prime example is Brazil, as it sold unarmed drones to an unnamed African nation in 2014.

Hence, it will be interesting to hear more detailed information about the concerns, priorities, and interests of Latin American states when they present at the CSP, as they will essentially be supporting an ATT regime, while also trying not to affect weapons sales sought by Latin American governments. Although support for the ATT is strong among these governments, national security threats, particularly drug trafficking and narco-insurgency, remain priorities for these regions and will continue to influence future arms procurement strategies.

The selection of Trinidad and Tobago as well as Mexico to host conferences that determine the future for this vital piece of global legislation is a big honor that stresses the nations’ support for the ATT’s success. Certainly, there are many challenges that the ATT must address before it becomes a relevant regime that regulates the arms trade. Hence, it is important that the ATT enjoys the support of violence-prone regions like Latin America and the Caribbean. Hopefully this momentum will translate into positive news out of Mexico City.


Alejandro Sanchez is Senior Research Fellow at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs.

Blouin News: Latin America preps for nuclear conference

"Latin America preps for Nuclear Conference"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: World
April 8, 2015
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatworld/2015/04/08/latin-america-preps-for-nuclear-weapons-conference/

From April 27 to May 22, the United Nations will host the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). This is an important, high-profile conference, and Latin American delegations will participate in the discussion regarding the future of nuclear weaponry.

According to the United Nations’ website, the NPT Review Conference will discuss topics such as “nuclear disarmament, including specific practical measures; nuclear non-proliferation, including the promoting and strengthening of safeguards.”  It is worth keeping in mind that only a handful of nations possess nuclear weapons: China, France, India, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, the United Kingdom and the U.S. Additionally, pariah nations like North Korea “could have enough material for 79 nuclear weapons by 2020” while Iran has a shadowy nuclear program which Tehran claims is solely for civilian purposes. (One issue that will likely be at the top of the NPT agenda is the recent deal over Iran’s controversial nuclear program.)

On a personal note, the author of this commentary has attended numerous events on nuclear issues in Washington DC. One issue that has been raised regarding the upcoming NPT conference, as has been the case with previous ones, is the difference of positions that nuclear weapon states have compared to those that do not have such weapons. In short, nations that already have nuclear weapons are focused on non-proliferation, namely to prevent more nations from obtaining them (case in point: Iran). On the other hand, nations that do not have nuclear weapons (which is the grand majority of the world) are focused on disarmament, meaning they are striving to convince countries that have nuclear weapons to dispose of them.

As for Latin America and the Caribbean, the two regions constitute a nuclear weapons-free zone (NWFZ), dating back to the 1967 Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, most commonly known as the Treaty of Tlatelolco. The Treaty came into force in October 2002 when Cuba ratified it – now all 33 Latin American and Caribbean states have done so. The treaty’s major tool for monitoring nuclear activities in these two regions is its nuclear watchdog: the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL).

Nevertheless, it is worth noting that in spite of this treaty, two Latin American nations have attempted to develop a nuclear weapons program. Brazil and Argentina pursued these deadly weapons during the 1960s-1980s, when they were ruled by military governments that largely distrusted one another. This distrust, however, dissipated after the countries’ return to civilian rule. In fact, in an effort to promote confidence building, in 1991, the two governments created an agency to ensure the peaceful use of their nuclear materials, the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC).

As for Latin America and the NPT itself, a majority of Latin American states have ratified most of the NPT-related agreements, like Bolivia, Colombia and Peru. However, it is worth noting that Argentina and Brazil have accessioned, but not ratified, into the NPT (Buenos Aires did so in 1995 while Brasilia signed in 1998).

It will be interesting to see if the region and other nuclear weapons-free states can maintain some kind of momentum to pressure countries that have nuclear weapons to disarm. There have been a number of recent conferences on disarmament in preparation for the 2015 NPT summit. Just this March, there was a Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, Switzerland. One of the speakers was Ambassador Luiz Filipe de Macedo Soares, the current Secretary-General of OPANAL. During his speech, Ambassador de Macedo highlighted the level of integration and cooperation in Latin America and the Caribbean, when he stated that “no other region has been paying so much attention at the highest level to this critical issue. No other region has been able to reach this level of convergence.”

In his Geneva speech, the OPANAL Secretary-General also discussed what he, his agency and the members of the Treaty of Tlatelolco want to see in the rest of the world regarding the future of nuclear weapons. Specifically, Ambassador de Macedo said that “the negotiation of a universal and legally binding instrument banning nuclear weapons cannot be delayed [moreover] it is crucial that nuclear-weapon States eliminate the role of nuclear weapons from their doctrines, security policies and military strategies.”

This is quite the ambitious list of goals. However, the recent Iran deal and success of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, as well as other NWFZs around the world (i.e. Africa), highlights that non-proliferation is possible. Ideally, the next step will be disarmament.

VOXXI: Central America takes center stage at IADB Conference

"Central America takes center stage at IADB Conference"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
November 10, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/11/10/interamerica-bank-central-america-crisis/

While conferences in Washington are a dime a dozen, there’s a unique momentum in a one being hosted by the Inter-American Development Bank this month with Central American heads of state in attendance, as well as U.S. dignitaries, all in light of the unaccompanied migrant minors crisis.

The  conference that will address the present and likely future of Central America on Friday, November 14. The goal is to not simply discuss Central America’s problems, such as immigration and poverty, but also how the international community can help local governments to overcome these challenges.

Meetings withe Central Americans heads of state

The IADB’s conference, entitled “Investing in Central America: Opening Up Opportunities for Growth,” will have VIP guests such as presidents Juan Orlando Hernández of Honduras, Otto Pérez Molina of Guatemala, and Salvador Sánchez Cerén of El Salvador, Vice President Joe Biden and IADB President Luis Alberto Moreno. Also in attendance will be policymakers and entrepreneurs from the U.S., Central America and Europe.

Washington has a particular interest in Central America due to ongoing migration from that region. Hence, it came as no surprise that Thomas Shannon, a career ambassador and current counselor to Secretary of State John Kerry, travelled to Central America to meet with the presidents who will arrive to Washington next week.

Additionally, Central American policymakers will visit Washington prior to the conference in order to maintain the momentum. Most notably, on November 13, the ministers of foreign affairs of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras will participate in a conference at the Atlantic Council.

Moreover, during the IADB event the Central American presidents will unveil the “Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity in the Northern Triangle” (Prosperity Plan for short). This is an ambitious plan meant to promote development and enhance security in the region. The plan both acknowledges the region’s violence and other shortcomings but also provides concrete suggestions on how to improve the economic and security situation there.

A milestone event?

This upcoming event can be analyzed from two points of view. First, at the domestic level, this will be an important test to see how the Obama White House will work with a Republican-controlled Congress after the recent Midterm elections.

Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY), the Senate’s likely next majority leader, has stated that while President Obama is mistaken by taking unilateral action on immigration (the U.S. president supports immigration reform), the Senate, nonetheless, wants to take action on this issue. With that said, the Republicans are in no-great hurry to promote immigration reform, particularly if this serves to increase President Obama’s popularity.

Given the adverse situation on Capitol Hill, it will be interesting to see how much Vice President Biden will promise when he meets the visiting Central American leaders, all of whom would like to see some type ofimmigration reform in the U.S. in the (very) near future. During his recent trip to Central America, the aforementioned Shannon declared that Washington wants to begin “a new type of relationship” with these countries, but that remains to be seen in the post-Midterm era.

Economic challenges in Central America

The second way to view the IADB conference is by addressing the current situation in Central America. The Prosperity Plan is important because it calls for greater integration between these three violence and poverty-afflicted states. Any follower of Latin American political history has read innumerable speeches that call for regional integration, but few initiatives have been successful in the long-term. The Prosperity Plan outlines projects that would deeply unite El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, with the additional effect of supporting the three nations overcome their collective problems.

One aspect of development of the plan worth highlighting is the focus on improving transportation to promote the movement of people, goods and services. The goal is to not only increase trade between the three countries, but also with the greater Central American region.

For example, the Prosperity Plan mentions the need to improve the corridor that connects Puerto Quetzal, a Guatemalan port in the Pacific, with Guatemala City and then with San Pedro Sula in Honduras. While none of these countries are in a position to construct a trans-Oceanic canal a la Panama or Nicaragua, cooperation amongst themselves can help them become a competitive option for the movement of goods.

Moreover, when discussing how to improve the training of local workers, the plan also states that it will “prioritize providing attention to migrant citizens who return [to their country]” so that these people can receive proper job-related training and benefit from health and educational services. The goal is for them to quickly rejoin the local workforce. This is a particularly important objective which highlights how these governments are attempting to address the effects that departing citizens have on their countries, particularly regarding the flight of qualified labor force.

Ultimately, the IADB’s upcoming conference promises a new U.S.-Central American relationship, and the launching of a new plan to integrate these three Central American states. We will have to see how many of these promises and plans become a reality.

Peru This Week: COP 20: Important climate change conference hosted in Lima this December

"COP 20: Important climate change conference hosted in Lima this December"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Peru This Week
August 4, 2014
Originally published: http://www.peruthisweek.com/blogs-cop-20-important-climate-change-conference-hosted-in-lima-this-decemeber-103583

COP 20, which is to be hosted in Lima this December, will be dealing with some serious climate change issues.

The Peruvian government will host an important conference on climate change this December. Namely, the Peruvian capital of Lima will organize the 20th session of the Conference of the Parties and the 10th session of the Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (COP20/CMP 10). Though this is a particularly lengthy name for two simultaneous conferences, the objective of both meetings is clear: to negotiate a new universal climate agreement; essentially a new blueprint for nations around the world to follow in order to combat climate change.

Even though the COP 20 is still months away, major preparations are already underway in Peru. Currently, the Peruvian government is focusing on outreach in order to secure diplomatic support before the event. For example, this past June, Peruvian President Ollanta Humala met with Ban Ki-Moon, the Secretary General of the United Nations, during the G77+China summit in Bolivia. The Peruvian media praised the meeting, reporting that the UN leader asked the Peruvian head of state to take leadership of COP 20 so that an agreement is reached. Additionally, in mid-July, President Humala traveled to Germany to meet with Chancellor Angela Merkel, where they discussed COP20, among other topics. The German government has long been a critical supporter of pro-environmental initiatives and climate change policy.

There are positive signs that the conference will allow often-suppressed voices to be heard. On July 4, the Peruvian office of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), representatives ofCOP 20, and the government of Norway all signed an agreement that will help indigenous peoples attend the December conference. The UNDP and Norway will provide logistical support for indigenous leaders to have a pavilion during the conference; this will give them the opportunity to voice their specific concerns about climate change and other environmental challenges that affect their people, like deforestation and resource extraction. The participants will represent the Indigenous Organization of the Amazon Basin (COICA), an entity that oversees the indigenous communities that live in the nine nations that share the Amazon Basin. The agreement will makeCOP 20 the first Conference of the Parties with indigenous participation.

Likewise, research centers and other non-governmental organizations are also organizing themselves for the COP 20. From July 15 – 18, some 180 delegates from research and advocacy organizations from across the globe met in Margarita Island, Venezuela, with the objective to draft the “Declaration of Margarita of Social Movements and Organizations.” The document will have recommendations that the Venezuelan government will give to the other delegations that will attendCOP 20.

In other words, COP 20 will be a place where not only delegations will go to discuss climate change while also protecting their national interests; indigenous organizations and social movements will also have the chance to voice their concerns, which some governments tend to disregard.

Nevertheless, some experts are not particularly optimistic about COP 20. For example, Eduardo Rojas, Assistant Director-General and Head of the Forestry Department at the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, declared to the media that COP 20 conference will be “very complicated” and it would be “naïve” to think that reaching some major agreement will be easy. Rojas thinks that “the real risk of the summit is that we will reach a weak accord or one that will need a long time to be carried out.”

Certainly, there is a lot at stake here. During COP 21, analysts expect a new agreement that will replace the Kyoto Protocol, which will expire in 2020. Hence, there is one clear goal for this multinational conference: COP 20 will hopefully end with a draft of an accord that will then be accepted in COP 21, which will take place in Paris in 2015.

At the domestic level, President Humala is under pressure to ensure that, from a logistical standpoint, COP 20 is successful and incident-free. However the Peruvian leader will also have another, more important task, that COP 20 is successful as a platform for meaningful negotiations for a new Kyoto Protocol. At this point, whether humanity can reverse the constant changes to the global climate is debatable, particularly after recent statements from NASA that the melting of parts of Antarctic ice may be “unstoppable.” The pressure is on for the Peruvian president to truly lead the world to save the planet this December.

Peru This Week: The Camisea Gas Project: From Peru to the World

"The Camisea Gas Project: From Peru to the World"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Peru This Week
May 19, 2014
Originally published: http://www.peruthisweek.com/news-the-camisea-gas-project-from-peru-to-the-world-102996

On May 21-22, the Institute of the Americas will host the XXIII La Jolla 2014 Energy Conference in La Jolla, California. The two-day event will be a chance for experts to discuss the status, and the future, of energy production and consumption across the hemisphere.

Given the focus of this event, it comes as no surprise that Peru’s energy industry will receive star treatment at this prestigious conference. Namely, on Thursday, May 22, there will be a morning panel entitled “Spotlight on the Camisea Project at 10: Reflections and the outlook for Peru’s: historic natural gas project and the country’s hydrocarbon sector.” Attending will be representatives of Perupetro and Pluspetrol, as well as the CEO of Gran Tierra Energy Inc., a Canadian international oil and gas exploration and production company.

It makes sense that Peru will be discussed at length at La Jolla, and that there will be a special focus on the Camisea gas project. Over the past decade, Peru has enjoyed one of the most vibrant economies in Latin America. The country is a member of the Pacific Alliance as well as the Trans Pacific Partnership, a grandiose attempt at bringing major economies from Latin America and the Asia Pacific region, as well as the U.S., under one free trade area.

The Camisea Gas Project: The gem on the top of the Inca’s crown
The Camisea project stands out as the gem on top of the Inca nation’s crown when it comes to energy-related initiatives. Located in the Peruvian highlands, not far from Cusco, Camisea is an area rich with natural gas.

The gas field in Camisea was first discovered in 1986 and it began producing in 2004. According to the website Hydrocarbons-technology.com, the energy project cost US$2.7billion and made, “Peru a gas-rich nation with royalties of US$34 billion expected over the 30 year duration of the project.” The Camisea gas field is situated in the San Martin reservoir in the Amazon rainforest and is connected to the Port of Pisco via the Camisea pipeline.

In December 2013, the Peruvian Ministry of Energy and Mines reported that it is now believed that there are 2.6 trillion of cubic feet of natural gas in Camisea. The ministry is hopeful that these estimates mean that, apart from being exported, the gas can also be utilized for the Gasoducto Sur Peruano (GSP). The GSP is an ambitious project to build two thermal energy plants that will provide electricity to the southern part of the Andean nation.

Controversy of the Camisea Project
Nevertheless, the Camisea project has not been without controversy. Over the past years, there have been a plethora of protests against it. One major concern is that the gas itself is benefiting consumers abroad while companies are getting rich, but the people around Camisea do not benefit from the natural gas. Moreover, this extractive industry has destroyed part of the local ecosystem around the Camisea River. In 2010, hundreds of people in Quillabamba, in the Cusco region not far from Camisea, protested against the export of the Camisea gas.

Control over the revenue from the Camisea exports is a source of tension as well. In 2013, there were major protests in the province of La Convencion, in the Cuzco region, over congressional proposals that would have altered the budget that the area receives from the income country obtains from the Camisea. Castro Melgarejo, mayor of Quillabamba, where the protests took place, accused Lima of trying to take control of gas export income destined to the nation’s provinces, specifically Cusco.

Finally, this March, a delegation of indigenous Peruvians belonging to the Kirigueti community arrived in Cuzco to protest against the potential expansion of Camisea’s Lot 88. The gas in Lot 88 comes from two gas fields to the north and south of the River Camisea. A February 25 commentary in the renowned British daily The Guardian explains that, “three of the four producing well locations in Lot 88 are in the reserve and, according to the state oil and gas agency Perupetro, Lot 88 accounted for 43% of Peru’s natural gas output in 2012 and 43% between January to November 2013.”

Representatives of the Kirigueti declared to the Peruvian daily La Republica that all 20 thousand of their people are against Camisea’s expansion, as living conditions for them have worsened since the project started a decade ago. Moreover, they declared that the financial wealth that the Peruvian government enjoys attributed to the Camisea has not helped indigenous Peruvians that live around the gas field.

It is debatable to what extent the aforementioned representatives from Perupetro, Pluspetrol, or Gran Tierra Energy will acknowledge the demands of Peruvians that have been affected by the operations of the Camisea gas project. Hopefully, the XXIII La Jolla 2014 Energy Conference will meaningfully address the complex issues surrounding the Camisea project rather than simply praising its accomplishments while ignoring its shortcomings.