The Diplomat: " Navigating Next-Gen Air Power in the Indo-Pacific"

 

"Navigating Next-Gen Air Power in the Indo-Pacific"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Asia Defense

The Diplomat

15 July 2024

Originally published: https://thediplomat.com/2024/07/navigating-next-gen-air-power-in-the-indo-pacific/

The United States’ Indo-Pacific adversaries are already working on their next-generation fighter jets. Washington can’t fall behind.

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Geopolitical Monitor: TIAR 2.0: Breathing New Life into a Cold War-era inter-American Defense Treaty

 

 

"TIAR 2.0: Breathing New Life into a Cold War-era inter-American Defense Treaty"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Situation Reports

Geopolitical Monitor

9 April, 2021

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/tiar-2-0-breathing-new-life-into-a-cold-war-era-inter-american-defense-treaty/

International diplomacy is composed of an endless list of treaties, agreements, memoranda of understanding, among other types of documents between states. As events unfold and national interests and objectives shift, many of these treaties become obsolete, forgotten or replaced by new treaties. One document that is in the edge of becoming obsolete is the Inter-American Reciprocal Assistance Treaty (Tratado Inter-Americano de Asistencia Recíproca: TIAR), commonly known as the Rio Treaty.

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The Diplomat: In New York, Protesters Mark ‘Global Day of Action’ Against the CCP

 

"In New York, Protesters Mark ‘Global Day of Action’ Against the CC"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

The Debate

The Diplomat

October 19, 2020

Originally published: https://thediplomat.com/2020/10/in-new-york-protesters-mark-global-day-of-action-against-the-ccp/

 

 Protests took place in major cities across the world on October 1 – China’s National Day – to highlight the repressive activities of the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) against various communities that live under its rule. I covered the protests that took place in New York City as part of the “Global Day of Action,” where roughly 150 people gathered in front of the United Nations headquarters to make their voices heard.

 

 

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Providence: How Can the US Help Taiwan in the Western Hemisphere?

"How Can the US Help Taiwan in the Western Hemisphere?"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Providence
October 22, 2019
Originally Published: https://providencemag.com/2019/10/how-can-us-help-taiwan-western-hemisphere/

The government of the Solomon Islands has decided to switch its diplomatic relations from the Republic of China (Taiwan) to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This announcement occurred almost parallel to the US government’s decision to provide a major package of military technology, namely “66 F-16C/D Block 70 aircraft and related equipment and support for an estimated cost of $8 billion,” to the Asian nation.

Thus, while Washington continues to support Taipei, it has been unable to prevent some governments from establishing relations with Beijing. Many of the nations that maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan are located in Latin America and the Caribbean, two regions where the US has plenty of allies and partners; hence, as we discuss Taipei’s future in the Western Hemisphere, we must discuss what Washington can (realistically) do to help its ally.

 

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Providence: As China Increases its Presence in the Western Hemisphere, Where is US Leadership?

"As China Increases its Presence in the Western Hemisphere, Where is US Leadership?"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Providence
September 24, 2019

Originally published: https://providencemag.com/2019/09/china-western-us-leadership/

General Wei Fenghe, minister of defense of the People’s Republic of China, met with his Brazilian counterpart on September 6, less than two months after the Asian nation’s minister of foreign affairs, Wang Yi, also visited the country. These high-level meetings occur parallel to other major investment agreements, like a port in Peru that will be constructed by a Chinese company.


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W. Alejandro Sanchez is a researcher who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cyber security issues in the Western Hemisphere

CIMSEC: Taiwanese Navy Friendship Flotilla Visits Latin American and Caribbean Allies

"Taiwanese Navy Friendship Flotilla Visits Latin American and Caribbean Allies"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
"The Southern Tide"
Center for International Maritime Security
9 May, 2018
Originally published: http://cimsec.org/taiwanese-navy-friendship-flotilla-visits-latin-american-caribbean-allies/36438

Written by W. Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. It discusses the challenges regional navies face including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

“The security environment in Latin America and the Caribbean is characterized by complex, diverse, and non-traditional challenges to U.S. interests.” Admiral Kurt W. Tidd, Commander, U.S. Southern Command, before the 114^th Congress Senate Armed Services Committee, 10 March 2016.

By W. Alejandro Sanchez

A three-ship training flotilla belonging to the Republic of China (ROC/Taiwan visited Central American and Caribbean states as Taipei strives to maintain close ties with regional allies. Taiwan regularly sends high-ranking defense officials and flotillas as part of goodwill initiatives in the Western Hemisphere, these initiatives will be even more important as the Dominican Republic announced at the end of April that it would sever relations with Taiwan and establish them with the People’s Republic of China.

 Friendship Flotilla 2018

Taiwan’s friendship flotilla No. 107 (Flotilla de la Amistad in Spanish), is comprised of “Pan Shi, a modern and sleek Fast Combat Support Ship, Pan Chao, an older, U.S.-designed frigate, and Kuen Wing, a more recent, French-made stealth frigate,” according to AFP. There are around 800 personnel on board in total, including an unspecified number of cadets from the ROC Naval Academy who are utilizing the voyage to learn how to operate in the high seas.

The flotilla commenced its training voyage by first visiting the Marshall Islands; while in the Western Hemisphere it visited the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. The local and Taiwanese media have covered the visit during each port call. For example, the  Nicaraguan newspaper El Nuevo Diario has noted that the last time a Taiwanese flotilla visited the Central American country was in 2016 while other outlets mentioned that this is the sixth time that such a visit has occurred.

Meanwhile the Minister of Defense of El Salvador, Munguía Payés, reportedly praised bilateral relations, stating that “the armed forces of El Salvador and of Taiwan … are and will always be an important factor not only when it comes to the internal security of our respective nations but also supporters of development and guarantors of democracy.”

Taiwan, China, and Latin America

Even with recent advances in naval technology and the ability to resupply at sea, it is still necessary for vessels traveling far from their nation’s territorial waters to be allowed to dock at friendly ports and conduct exercises with friendly naval forces from other nations. The problem is that Taiwan is running out of ports in the Western Hemisphere to dock its naval platforms and engage in constructive naval initiatives with friendly forces as regional governments switch from recognizing Taipei to Beijing. As previously mentioned the DR switched at the end of April, Panama switched in 2017, while Costa Rica did the same a decade ago, in 2007. The DR’s switch is somewhat embarrassing to Taipei, as the flotilla docked in Santo Domingo in mid-April, only to have the Dominican government switch to Beijing two weeks later.

While Beijing is gaining new allies in the Western Hemisphere, Chinese naval presence in Latin America and the Caribbean is pretty limited: a destroyer Shijiazhuang and the supply ship Hongzehu visited Chile in 2009; four years later, destroyer Lanzhou and frigate Liuzhou visited Argentina in 2013. Additionally, China’s Peace Ark (866 Daishan Dao), a Type 920 hospital ship that is operated by the People’s Liberation Army Navy, has visited the Western Hemisphere as part of “Harmonious Mission 2011” and “Harmonious Mission 2015.” Nevertheless, if more regional governments recognize Beijing (and there are constant rumors about which will be the next country to do so), and as Beijing seeks to project its naval presence well past its borders, there may be a larger Chinese naval presence in the Western Hemisphere in the coming years.

The Flotilla in Context

The visit of the three-vessel Taiwanese flotilla in itself is not meaningful as Taiwan does not have bases in the Western Hemisphere, nor does Taipei have some kind of collective security-type defense treaty with regional countries. In other words, this visit does not signify that Taiwan would come to the aid of one of its regional partners, should one of them be attacked by a third party. Hence, the international media has placed the visit in the context of Taipei-Beijing and Taipei-Washington relations; for example Reuters published a piece titled “Taiwan warships drop anchor in Nicaragua amid sinking ties with China,” while the Strait Times titled its own report on the subject, “China demands halt of U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, as island stresses Central America ties with navy visit.”

Additionally, given ongoing tensions with China, there have been a number of reports about the Taiwanese Navy undergoing  a modernization process to obtain new platforms. There have been similar discussions in Washington regarding what kind of weaponry should the U.S. sell Taiwan. It is worth noting that in 2017 the Taiwanese Navy received two decommissioned Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigates but ongoing Washington-Beijing tensions seem to hint that more modern equipment (including submarine technology) could be sold to Taipei as part of ever-changing geopolitics in Asia.

While the recent visit of a Taiwanese flotilla will not affect Central American or Caribbean geopolitics, its use is more symbolic, as it demonstrates that the Asian nation strives to maintain diplomatic relations with its remaining friends in the Western Hemisphere. Taiwan’s naval diplomacy, unlike similar initiatives by other countries, is not so much about maintaining cordial defense relations, but maintaining diplomatic relations. Countries like El Salvador and Nicaragua still recognize Taiwan, but the recent loss of DR, which occurred right after the flotilla visited the country, is an example that such initiatives, defense and others, must be constant.

W. Alejandro Sanchez is a researcher who focuses on geopolitical, military and cyber security issues in the Western Hemisphere. Follow him on Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.

Cited in / Citado en: "China, eyeing Bolivia's lithium riches, helps country into space "

" China, eyeing Bolivia's lithium riches, helps country into space"
By Andrew Wright
21 February, 2018
The Sydney Morning Herald
Originally published: http://www.smh.com.au/world/china-eyeing-bolivia-s-lithium-riches-helps-country-into-space-20180220-p4z0yz.html

Bogota: A space program for Bolivia might seem a low priority given the South American nation's internal challanges of poverty, inequality and lack of infrastructure.

Enter China, with the know-how, launch facilities and an established hunger for Latin American raw materials.

Australia boasts five Optus communications satellites (comsats) and recently launched three other satellites, but Central and South American countries have traditionally lagged behind in this area.

China has been busy building up space contracts with nations in the region. Venezuela launched its third satellite from Chinese soil in October and Bolivia is expected to get a second comsat from China by 2022.

In fact, in recent years, China has started to compete with US and European satellite companies globally. Satellite communications technology makes a lot of sense for a country like Bolivia, a mountainous, landlocked nation of 10.9 million people, Lluc Palerm, a senior analyst at space industry consultancy Northern Sky Research (NSR), told Fairfax Media.

“Unlike fibre or other ground alternatives, which would involve very large investments, satellites can connect remote places very quickly with fairly cheap terminals. That’s critical to bring communities online for remote education, eHealth and disaster response,” Palerm said.

The first satellite, launched from China in 2013, was named Túpac Katari 1 after a Bolivian who led an uprising against the Spanish. The Bolivian Space Agency (Agencia Boliviana Espacial or ABE), said it cost cost $US302 million, with 85 per cent of that financed with a Development Bank of China loan.

The Bolivian media have questioned how long it will take for one of South America’s poorest countries to pay back the loan, W. Alejandro Sanchez, a geopolitics/defence analyst and Latin America specialist said. 

“I think Tupac Katari was less of a gamble for China and more of another way to strengthen ties with the Evo Morales administration in the landlocked country,” Sanchez said. 

In early February 2018, Liang Yu, the Chinese Ambassador to Bolivia was frank about China’s interest in Bolivia, a country with one of the world’s biggest and more accessible reserves of lithium.

“China is the country with the largest number of vehicles in the world and, therefore, it will be the largest market for the use of lithium batteries. One of the four consortia that presented their technical and economic proposals for the assembly and commissioning of the plant to industrialise lithium is Chinese,” he told Bolivia’s La Razon newspaper.

China is Bolivia’s second largest trading partner and Sanchez says there are some 60 Chinese companies there, some of which have built over 1300 kilometres of roads across the country.

Bolivia may just be the tip of the iceberg. A February 2018 report from NSR found the Chinese satellite industry was primed to take a larger share of the global satcom market “through attractive one-stop-shop offerings, aggressive growth plans and enhanced exports”.

Chinese influence has recently entered into Australia’s national discourse, after Labor Senator Sam Dastyari was eventually forced to resigned for supporting Beijing's position on the South China Sea after receiving political donation from a donor linked to the Chinese Communist party.

Bolivia has also seen its share of political scandals relating to Chinese companies.

Gabriela Zapata, the alleged ex-lover of Bolivian President of Bolivia Evo Morales was arrested in February of 2016, when she was the commercial manager of the Chinese engineering and infrastructure giant China CAMC Engineering, which had been awarded millions of dollars worth of contracts with the Bolivian state. She was sentenced to 10 years in prison in May 2017 for crimes including money laundering, illegitimate contributions and inappropriate use of public goods and services.

There is another angle to China's softpower push.

According to Sanchez that many of the countries that maintain diplomatic ties with Taiwan (the Republic of China) are located in Central America and the Caribbean.

“Last year, Panama switched recognition from Taiwan to Beijing, and it is likely that other countries will follow this year as Beijing ‘purchases’ recognition via investments, financial aid and trade agreements,” Sanchez said. 

Analysts told Fairfax Media Nicaragua was both a potential “Taiwan swing” and posible Chinese satellite customer.

Quoted in: Taiwan losing ground to Beijing in the Caribbean

"Taiwan losing ground to Beijing in the Caribbean"
By Natalia Bonilla
EFE (Spanish News Agency)
December 10, 2014
Originally published: http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2014/12/10/taiwan-losing-ground-to-beijing-in-caribbean/

Taiwan is losing ground in the Caribbean, one of its traditional strongholds, as global economic powerhouse China expands its presence in the region, experts told Efe on Wednesday.

"Globalization has changed the rules because the financial capabilities of each country are like night and day," University of Puerto Rico economist Paul Latortue said in an interview.

The interest of China and Taiwan in the Caribbean region goes back to the decolonization of the islands in the 1970s, as Beijing and Taipei vied for diplomatic recognition from the newly independent countries.

The Chinese government will not maintain diplomatic ties with countries that recognize Taiwan, which Beijing officially regards as a rebel province of China.

Peruvian researcher Alejandro Sanchez told Efe that Taiwan identifies with the Caribbean islands, whereas China sees the region almost exclusively in economic terms.

Latortue said China's construction of large ports in the Bahamas and Jamaica is a sign that Beijing wants to expand trade in the region and with the U.S. East Coast.

"China thinks more about economic development rather than to dominate politically and territorially," he said, noting that Taiwan is primarily moved by a concern to maintain diplomatic recognition.

Sanchez, a specialist in international relations for the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, said China aims to expand its economy and invests large sums of money to achieve that goal.

As explained by Sanchez, Caribbean nations' stance on the China vs. Taiwan diplomatic dispute typically fluctuates with how much money they get from Beijing and Taipei to finance projects.

A clear example is a loan Taiwan gave to Grenada to finance infrastructure, according to a report published in 2012 by Sanchez. In 2005, the Caribbean island, saying that it could not repay Taiwan, chose to recognize China in exchange for financial assistance to prevent the closure of an airport.

"The Caribbean is easily susceptible to China's cash," Council on Hemispheric Affairs director Larry Birns said in a phone interview.

Birns, an expert on Latin America, spoke of "a huge amount of corruption happening in the Caribbean" and said the tendency to play off one country against another is part of a "game of extortion."

Another case in point is St. Lucia, which established ties with Taiwan in 1984, but recognized China in 1997, only to switch back to Taipei a decade later.

According to a May 2014 report of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, China's aid to the Caribbean is "modest" because "the region does not have the potential to directly affect China's primary security interests in Asia."

"Nevertheless," the report added, "Beijing likely views the Caribbean as strategically important by virtue of its proximity to the U.S."

Birns predicts that "Taiwan is going to be eliminated as a key player" in the region mainly because "it is not able to keep up with China in terms of high-cost subsidies as well as financial grants."

Sanchez and Latortue agreed that Caribbean countries will prefer to recognize China diplomatically, turning away from Taiwan.

"These leaders know how to be pragmatic and they know they can win more with China than with Taiwan," Sanchez said.

Latin America and the Caribbean accounted for 12 of the 22 nations that maintained diplomatic relations with Taipei in 2013, according to Taiwan's foreign ministry. EFE

VOXXI: Former president’s sentencing could usher optimism for Guatemala

"Former President's sentencing could usher Optimism for Guatemala"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
May 23, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/05/23/alfonso-portillo-sentencing-us/

New York judge Robert Patterson has sentenced former Guatemalan President Alfonso Portillo (2000-2004) to five years in prison on charges of accepting bribes while he was in office. This landmark ruling is the first time a former Latin American head of state has been sentenced to jail in the U.S. judiciary system.

This important verdict also raises several questions, such as whether Portillo will spend time in a U.S. prison or if he will be sent back to Guatemala. Moreover, it’s unclear whether the former head of state will actually serve all five years of his sentence. It seems likely that some sort of settlement will be reached.

SEE ALSO: Rios Montt found guilty of genocide

In any case, the ruling constitutes a significant milestone for the issue of presidential impunity, a cancer that has long plagued Latin American governments. Ideally, the New York ruling would motivate Guatemala to reach a final verdict for General Rios Montt, another former president on trial in the Central American state. However, we should not hold our breaths as the verdict regarding Portillo is not solely good news.

The Portillo verdict

Aside from spending five years and ten months in prison, Portillo will also have to pay a fine of $2.5 million. The BBC explains that a New York judge was able to rule on the case, which would seemingly fall under Guatemalan jurisdiction, because “the bribes came from an accountant in New York City.”

The disgraced president was accused of taking bribes from the government of Taiwan, so that Taipei would not lose Guatemala’s recognition. Several Central American and Caribbean states recognize Taiwan instead of China, so it is in Taiwan’s national interest not to lose its remaining allies.

The last few years have brought a blur of trials for Portillo. He was first arrested in his homeland in 2010 and later faced trial in May 2011 for embezzling funds that belonged to the Ministry of Defense, though he was declared innocent. He was eventually extradited to the United States in May 2013, where he was indicted for a variety of crimes, including embezzling money from Taiwan and “misappropriating funds from the publicly financed reserves of Credito Hipotecario Nacional,” among others.

At the time of his extradition, many analysts speculated that Portillo could face up to 20 years in prison and fines totaling $500,000. The final sentence is significantly less harsh since he pleaded guilty.

Nevertheless, it remains to be seen how much time Portillo will actually spend in jail. Some observers expect that, since he has already served time, his five-year sentence could be reduced to 18 months or even just 11 months.

Reasons for Optimism?

Understandably, the Guatemalan media has covered this issue extensively, and it shares the belief that Portillo will only spend 18 months in prison, which means that he will be free by November 2015. Still, he will probably be released sooner due to “good behavior.”

The Central American state is particularly interested in how Portillo’s sentence and eventual return will affect the country’s political system. An article in the Guatemalan daily “El Periodico” explains that Portillo’s return will change Guatemala’s “electoral forces” in the country’s upcoming September 2015 elections.

As for the Guatemalan government, President Otto Perez Molina has declared that he respects the New York judge’s decision. Nevertheless, Portillo is not without allies, as members of the Union del Cambio Nacional (UCN) political party in his homeland have declared that they continue to support the former head of state. It is too early to say whether Portillo could run for office, but stranger things tend to occur in Latin American politics.

Hopefully the Guatemalan judiciary will follow Judge Patterson’s precedent to pursue and sentence former heads of state and other high-level individuals that have carried out crimes while in office, particularly General Rios Montt, who ruled the Central American country during its bloody civil war. Guatemalan courts finally tried and sentenced the retired general in 2013, but the verdict was essentially canceled due to an obscure legal technicality. Many fear that Rios Montt may eventually go free when his trial resumes in 2015.

As for Portillo, his defense lawyers will try to have him sent back to Guatemala, arguing that he can serve the remaining time there. A worst case scenario would be that, if Portillo returns to Guatemala, his lawyers could find a way to keep him out of prison altogether.

Portillo’s sentence sends an important message to corrupt officials that their crimes will not go unpunished. Unfortunately, there is a high likelihood that Portillo will soon go free and continue to influence his home country. Unfortunately for Guatemala, politics will likely remain business as usual.

VOXXI: China reinforces trade with Latin America and the Caribbean at CELAC

China reinforces Trade with Latin America and the Caribbean at CELAC
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
January 31, 2014

The two-day summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC)  came to a conclusion this week without any dramatic changes in Latin American and Caribbean geopolitics, but a new incoming strong political and business player was established: China.

The high-level meeting took place in Cuba, and reunited leaders and delegations from the groups’ 33 sovereign member states.

The Cuban government can pat itself on the back for having organized an incident-free conference, in which the attending leaders gave predictable speeches regarding the “American empire” and called for regional integration.

Nevertheless, a skeptic can easily argue that, for all the photo shoots, speeches, and meetings, the summit will not dramatically alter the near future of the Latin American and Caribbean geopolitics.

CELAC approaching China

One important outcome of the summit was that the final declaration announced the formation of a forum, which will strengthen relations between CELAC and China.  This is an interesting development, which warrants further discussion.

First of all, it makes sense that CELAC would want to approach this extra-hemispheric relationship. Besides integration among its members, a primary objective of CELAC is to decrease U.S. influence in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Hence, by approaching the Asian powerhouse, CELAC nations can increase commercial and diplomatic ties with Beijing, which could in turn decrease the dependency of some Western Hemisphere governments on the U.S.

Secondly, China already has growing diplomatic and commercial relations in the Western Hemisphere, and some nations in particular are keen on strengthening such ties. Venezuela is one prominent example as Chinese oil companies have heavily invested in Venezuelan oil, the cornerstone of the country’s economy.

Meanwhile, Nicaragua gained international prominence in 2013 when the Daniel Ortega government signed an agreement with an obscure Chinese industrialist to build an inter-oceanic canal that (if it’s ever built) will rival Panama’s.

Moreover, even countries that are close allies of Washington are now approaching China for commercial opportunities.

In a January 20 commentary for VOXXI, I highlighted how Mexican President, Enrique Peña Nieto, traveled to China in April 2013, while Chinese President Xi Jinping returned the visit in June of the same year. Moreover, while in the Western Hemisphere last year, the Chinese leader also traveled to Costa Rica and Trinidad & Tobago, a Caribbean state that has significant deposits of oil and natural gas.

Certainly, China is everywhere these days, from Chinese companies constructing Baha Mar, a multi-billion dollar tourism complex in the Bahamas, to investing in Argentina (Beijing is now reportedly Buenos Aires’ second-largest trading partner).

Hence, an issue to keep in mind is: If CELAC members aim to improve multilateral relations with China, then what about Taiwan?

Most of the nations that still have diplomatic ties with the island are in the developing world, particularly in Central America and the Caribbean.

Increased ties between Beijing and CELAC could mean that Taipei is in danger of losing its remaining allies in the Western Hemisphere. Certainly, this is a concern for Taiwan as it has recently lost allies elsewhere (i.e. Gambia this past November 2013).

Diplomatic Predictability

As for the rest of the CELAC summit, most statements and speeches were fairly anticipated and unsurprising.

For example, the final resolution praised the late Hugo Chavez; in the text, he is described as a “tireless humanist … who fought against social exclusion [and] poverty.”

Likewise, the group stated that it supports Argentina regarding its claim on the Malvinas /Falklands Islands.

Nevertheless, realistically there is little chance that CELAC’s backing of Buenos Aires will convince London to cede control of the islands any more than the March 2013 Falklands Referendum could have possibly convinced the Argentine government that the (non-indigenous) inhabitants of the islands do not want to live under Argentina’s rule.

In any case, it is likely that the aforementioned resolution was well received by President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, who attended the summit.

As a final point, it should be stressed that Latin American and Caribbean nations are looking at Cuba for commercial partnership and investment opportunities.

During her visit to the Caribbean, Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff and Cuba’s President Raul Castro inaugurated the first phase of the upgrade of a port in Mariel, west of Havana, financed by Brazil.

Similarly, a January 30 Reuters article explains, “foreign ministers from the EU’s 28 countries will give the go-ahead on February 10 to launch talks with Havana on a special cooperation accord to increase trade, investment and dialogue on human rights. The pact could be agreed by the end of 2015.”

In other words, the European Union also wants to increase ties with the island.

Meanwhile, President Barack Obama did not mention Cuba or Latin America in his State of the Union, though he did pledge, again, to close the detention center in Guantanamo.

While there have been some interesting developments to improve relations between Washington and Cuba, it is unlikely that they will dramatically improve in the near future.

As for CELAC, Costa Rica is now the new pro tempore president of the organization. We will have to wait and see what the Central American nation and its rising international image can do, if anything, to continue the effort of uniting CELAC’s 33 member states.