Showing posts with label puerto rico. Show all posts
Showing posts with label puerto rico. Show all posts

Monday, September 15, 2014

Quoted in: Un referéndum histórico en Escocia


"Un Referendum Historico en Escocia"
By: Jose A. Delgado
El Nuevo Dia
September 14, 2014
Originally published: http://www.elnuevodia.com/unreferendumhistoricoenescocia-1853878.html
Este jueves, Escocia decide si se separa del Reino Unido mediante una votación con cuyos resultados está comprometido el gobierno inglés
 
Por José A. Delgado / jdelgado@elnuevodia.com
WASHINGTON.- Mientras en San Juan coquetean con procesos de status que no obligan a Washington, el gobierno británico se ha vinculado plenamente con un referéndum que, el jueves, puede generar un desenlace que no quiere: el voto del pueblo de Escocia a favor de su independencia.
El contraste con el caso de Puerto Rico es marcado. 
Sujeto a las negociaciones de un posible proceso de transición, el  independentismo escocés hace su reclamo sobre la base de una economía sólida y  diversa, con reservas de petróleo, capacidad para generar fuentes de energía renovable y un producto interno bruto (PIB) que proporcionalmente les coloca entre los más altos. 
Contrario al caso de  Puerto Rico, la relación de Escocia con el Reino Unido no es producto de una invasión, sino de una unión voluntaria. 
Antes de 1707, el año en que Escocia se integró al Reino Unido -formado también por Inglaterra, Gales e Irlanda del Norte-, Escocia fue una monarquía independiente.
Su autonomía fiscal, un asunto fundamental del debate, también es limitada, casi sin poder para variar la tasa tributaria que le impone el Reino Unido a sus ciudadanos.
Cuando la consulta comenzó a organizarse en 2012, la percepción era que el “no” ganaría la votación cómodamente. 
Ahora, las encuestas auguran una cerrada jornada electoral que, de una u otra forma, debe cambiar para siempre la configuración del gobierno británico, que en un acto de desesperación tiene a los tres partidos políticos principales prometiendo, finalmente, “máxima autonomía”.
“El gobierno británico pensaba que iba a poder frenar el debate por una generación o más. Pero, también reconoció que este era un proceso inevitable”, dijo el profesor  Jaime Lluch, catedrático de Ciencias Políticas en la Universidad de Puerto Rico (UPR) y autor del libro “Visions of Sovereignity: Nationalism and Accommodation in Multinational Democracies”.
El camino trazado
Cuando en 2012 se adoptó el acuerdo a favor del referéndum, el Partido Nacionalista acababa de obtener mayoría absoluta en el Parlamento de Escocia.
A diferencia del caso colonial de Puerto Rico, Escocia ha tenido representación plena en el Parlamento británico. Actualmente, ocupa 59 de los 650 escaños, una representación proporcionalmente más alta que las demás regiones.
El Parlamento británico retuvo la mayoría de los poderes, pero Escocia, explicó Lluch, “tiene funciones exclusivas como educación, salud, vivienda, desarrollo económico, transportación, y asuntos de derecho, tanto civil como criminal”.
Londres mantiene   el control de las relaciones exteriores, seguridad, defensa e inmigración, además de que limita el poder fiscal de Escocia.
En Escocia, el factor que da mayor impulso a su movimiento independentista no es necesariamente su identidad cultural.  “Lo económico ha sido lo más importante”, dijo Lluch, académico del  programa de Democracia, Ciudadanía y Constitucionalismo de la Universidad de Pensilvania.
Relación entre iguales.
Al convocar el proceso, el ministro principal escocés y líder del Partido Nacionalista,  Alex Salmond, afirmó que “Inglaterra, Gales e Irlanda del Norte serán siempre nuestros familiares, amigos y vecinos cercanos, pero con Escocia como país independiente, nuestra relación será entre iguales”.
En Puerto Rico, los datos del Censo federal indican que solo una cuarta parte de la población de la Isla tiene pleno dominio del inglés. En Escocia, solo el 25% se declara plenamente escocés y la lengua mayoritaria es el inglés. Pero, hace cuatro décadas el 39% se consideraba británico y ese porcentaje se ha reducido a 23%.
“El nacionalismo en Escocia no es el  de un país colonial ni de un país explotado por la metrópoli”, consideró el profesor  Juan Manuel Carrión, experto en asuntos de nacionalismo y catedrático de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la UPR.
A pesar del interés que han mostrado en mantener la ciudadanía estadounidense, en Puerto Rico su  apego al español y la identificación  étnica marcan diferencias de identidad fundamentales con Estados Unidos, agregó  el profesor Carrión.
Con una población de 5.3 millones de personas, en Escocia viven 500,000 personas nacidas en Inglaterra que  pueden decidir el referéndum. Unos 800,000 escoceses, que no podrán votar el jueves, viven en Inglaterra. 
Estructura política
Para Lluch, los contrastes entre los casos de Escocia, Puerto Rico y Cataluña, parten de la estructura política y constitucional de cada metrópoli.
Por ejemplo, el Reino Unido fue concebido como un estado nación, no como una nación estado. Nunca han objetado la diversidad nacional.
En Estados Unidos uno de sus lemas es “de muchos, uno”.  “EE.UU. es una federación, que es la quintaesencia de una nación estado, contrario a Canadá y Bélgica, que son federaciones multinacionales”, agregó Lluch.
Hay áreas grises  dentro del proyecto  independentista escocés, pues quieren mantener el reconocimiento -simbólico- de la reina de Inglaterra como la jefa de Estado de una Escocia independiente y el uso de la moneda oficial británica, la libra esterlina.   
“Lamont perdió el primer debate por el tema de la moneda. Sería depender de otro país con respecto a su política monetaria”, afirmó el profesor Lluch, aunque advirtió que una victoria del Sí daría, entonces, paso a un proceso de transición.
La encuesta de hace una semana que abrió la posibilidad a una  victoria independentista levantó temores de inversionistas y el Royal Bank of Scotland dijo que mudará sus cuarteles generales a Londres si triunfa el Sí.
Con la idea de frenar el avance del independentismo,  los tres partidos principales  británicos prometieron a Escocia el 100% de autonomía si votan “No” el jueves. El sondeo del viernes de la encuestadora You-Gov  otorga ahora al No una ventaja de 4%.
La historia de las relaciones coloniales entre Puerto Rico y Estados Unidos apunta a un desinterés marcado del Congreso por resolver el status territorial de la isla.
Mientras en Escocia el referéndum es vinculante y ofrece un cambio de status, el Congreso nunca se ha comprometido a acatar los resultados de  un plebiscito que le ofrezca a Puerto Rico la estadidad o la independencia.
El efecto
Escocia difícilmente cambie el ánimo en Washington.
“No se  va a crear un efecto dominó por otras regiones inmediatamente”, advirtió Alejandro Sánchez, experto  del Concilio de Asuntos Hemisféricos (COHA).
Pero, puede tener repercusiones importantes en España, donde el gobierno español no ha querido reconocer la consulta independentista de Cataluña del 9 de noviembre.
El excongresista demócrata boricua  Robert García, piensa que el caso de Escocia se examinará en Washington a través de los ojos de los empresarios. “Las corporaciones estadounidenses que hacen negocios en Escocia y Gran Bretaña informarán a sus miembros sobre cómo esto les afecta”, dijo García.
Para el presidente ejecutivo del Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño (PIP),  Fernando Martín, aunque Washington prefiera mirar para otro lado, el mensaje de Escocia es que “todos los ríos nacionales conducen al mar”. “Cuando un pueblo se concibe a sí mismo como una nación distinta -subrayó  el exsenador Martín-, la expresión política de esa identidad tarde o temprano va a ser la independencia”.

Wednesday, April 9, 2014

VOXXI: Can Spain solve Puerto Rico’s financial crisis?


Can Spain solve Puerto Rico's financial crisis?
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
April 9, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/04/09/spain-help-puerto-rico-financial-crisis/


Puerto Rico is courting Spain in what could be the Caribbean island’s first decisive step towards financial recovery as it has experienced almost a decade of financial crisis. The government in San Juan aims to become a sort of “investment bridge” between Spain and the U.S. by capitalizing on the island’s history of pharmaceutical production, as well as other industries such as banking and computer technology.
This is a bold move by the administration of Governor Alejandro Padilla. If successful, it could stop the “brain drain” of young educated Puerto Ricans who have chosen to migrate to the U.S., Spain or Latin America in search of better livelihood.
Puerto Rico Courts Madrid
Governor Padilla has intended to increase ties with Madrid over the past year. This was best exemplified by his trip to Spain on June 2013 with an entourage that included Alberto Baco, Secretary of Economic Development and Commerce, as well as Antonio Medina, Director of the Compañia de Fomento Industrial (PRIDCO).
The goal was to get the attention of Spanish and other European industries to theisland’s pharmaceutical industry.
Puerto Rico historically has had a strong industry of biosciences. It is estimated that 18% of pharmaceutical products in the U.S. are manufactured in Puerto Rico, such as Lipitor, Norvasc and Zocor.
A group of Spanish industrialists returned the favor and visited the Caribbean island this past February as part of a workshop ambitiously entitled: “Puerto Rico: Gateway to the United States Biotechnology Market.” The delegation was made up of representatives of Spanish companies such as CRB Inverbio, Health in Code and MGM Integrated Solutions.
The aforementioned Medina, director of PRIDCO, highlighted that “Puerto Rico has a history of over 50 years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has evolved and expanded into other industries” such as biotechnology.
An April 6 report by the Spanish news agency EFE summarizes Padilla’s new strategy: internationalize the island’s economy and create a platform for foreign firms that would like to export their services to the U.S. and for local companies who wish to break into the European market. (In other words, San Juan would become the proverbial middle man).
So far, it seems that San Juan has had limited success at bringing investment from Madrid.
The aforementioned EFE article explains how trade between Puerto Rico and Spain is “sparse” and the island exported $875 million USD worth of Spanish goods in 2012.
Plan B for Puerto Rico: Tourism
While the Padilla government aims to increase investment opportunities with Spain, he may have to rely on the well-tested tourism sector as a Plan B for short-term income.
This upcoming May a new Air Europa route will start between San Juan and Madrid. This could bring a significant increase of Spanish tourists, and their wallets, to the island for the summer 2014 tourist season.Ingrid Rivera, Puerto Rico’s Minister of Tourism, believes that this air route could bring up to 28 million euros to the island.
Moreover, Puerto Rico participated in the late January 2014 International Tourism Fair, which was held Madrid. Additionally, Puerto Rico will earmark as much as two million USD for a marketing campaign to attract more European tourists to the island.
There is also the hope that Iberia could once again restore flights to Puerto Rico. Due to financial problems the airline stopped flights to San Juan in early 2013.
Short Term Solutions?
Puerto Rico’s financial credibility has been hurt due to its $70 billion USD debt. Hence, analysts and scholars continuously compare the island to European nations in financial trouble.
In fact, the renowned Dr. Howard Wiarda from the University of Georgia wrote a commentary in which he argues that “uncertainty over the status issue [with the U.S.] makes it more difficult for Puerto Rico to renegotiate its large debts, while its inability to pay reinforces the notion […] that the island […] cannot govern themselves.” (Wiarda, “Puerto Rico: A Caribbean Greece?” March 2014).
Finally, this past January 28, the Center for International Security Studies hosted a conference with Dr. Jose Villamil, a Puerto Rican economist and Chairman & CEO of Estudios Tecnicos, a financial consulting firm in Puerto Rico.
During the Question & Answer section, I asked Villamil how the Puerto Rican government could stop the aforementioned brain drain of young educated individuals, who make up the cornerstone of any country’s workforce.
Villamil acknowledged that it is a major problem. One of his suggestions for a short term solution is investment in construction. He clarified that he did not mean ongoing large projects in the island such as a proposed train and the extension of a major expressway.
Villamil explained to the audience that he meant small infrastructure projects that can be built very quickly, particularly on the Western part of the island which is more undeveloped.
Nevertheless, he stressed that construction will not solve the island’s long term problems; this is just one short term solution.
Initiatives such as an alliance with Spain over pharmaceuticals, increasing tourism and short-term construction projects demonstrate how Puerto Rico has several options regarding how to jumpstart its economy. Hopefully one of them will work.

Thursday, October 31, 2013

VOXXI: Two Puerto Rican nationalists attempt to assassinate President Truman


Two Puerto Rican Nationalists attempt to assassinate President Truman
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
October 31, 2013
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2013/10/31/puerto-rican-nationalists-harry-truman/
 This Friday, November 1, marks the 63rd anniversary of the 1950 assassination attempt on President Harry Truman by two Puerto Rican nationalists: Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola. Their goal was to call attention to the Puerto Rican independence movement and, although it ultimately failed, this attempt serves as a stark reminder of how volatile Puerto Rico’s relations with the mainland were at the time.
Times have certainly changed since 1950, but occasional tensions (such as the controversy over Vieques Island) remain, and independence is still viewed sympathetically by many Puerto Ricans.

The history

In 1950, the White House was undergoing renovations (1948-1952) and President Truman lived in the Blair House (known as the President’s Guest House, this building is located across from the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue). On that fateful November morning 63 years ago, Collazo and Torresola approached the building from two different directions but were repelled by policemen and security agents. Due to the ensuing firefight the nationalists were not able to enter the Blair House.
The incident resulted in the death of one policeman, with two others wounded. As for the nationalists, Torresola was fatally shot in the head, while Collazo was shot in the chest but survived.
Oscar Collazo was put on trial and sentenced to death, but in 1952 Truman converted the sentence to life imprisonment. In September 1979, President Jimmy Carter commuted the life sentence, and the Puerto Rican was freed. Collazo died in Puerto Rico at the age of 80 on February 1994.

PR – Mainland relations then and now

The website of the Harry S. Truman library and museum summarizes Collazo’s and Torresola’s intentions: “They thought the assassination would call attention to Puerto Rico and advance the cause of Puerto Rican independence.” This statement, while true, fails to fully address the tensions between the Caribbean island and the rest of the U.S. at the time.
Due to space limitations, it is impossible to properly analyze this complex historical relationship. Suffice it to say that there was, and still remains, conflicting views regarding the kind of relationship Puerto Ricans would like to see their island have with the U.S.
Several bloody incidents in recent history that exemplify these diverging points of view. Most notable is thePonce Massacre. On March 21, 1937, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party organized a peaceful protest to commemorate the abolition of slavery on the island in 1873. However, the protest quickly turned violent when police forces cracked down on the march, resulting in the death of 19 Puerto Ricans with hundreds more wounded.
The Hays Commission (named after the lawyer Arthur Garfield Hays), ultimately found the U.S.-appointed governor Blanton Winship responsible for the massacre.
Moreover, the timing of Truman’s assassination attempt by the two Puerto Rican nationalists is noteworthy. This incident occurred only days after the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party started its October 1950 Revolution, attempting to create an independent republic.
To be fair, it would be wrong to simply view Puerto Rico-mainland relations through the prism of independence issues. Other factors that need to be taken into account for such a discussion include the current trade of goods and services, investment by mainland companies in Puerto Rico, as well as the movement of individuals, including the migration of Puerto Ricans to major metropolitan areas in the mainland.
Nevertheless, there have been more recent sources of tension. Most notably is the case of Vieques Island (part of Puerto Rico), on which the U.S. Navy carried out military exercises and stored weapons in an ammo depot from the 1940s until 2003. Puerto Ricans have long protested that there is still plenty of explosive ordinance in that territory and its immediate waters.
Moreover, there is valid concern regarding the health effects of the Navy’s operations in the island, ascancer rates in Vieques are alarmingly high. In addition, there is also the ecological disaster caused by decades of live-fire exercises. “At $180 million so far, the cleanup is already the most expensive in military history,” stated a May 2013 Daily News article.

The 2012 referendum

Certainly, Puerto Rican feelings towards the island’s legal relationship with the rest of the U.S. (it currently is an associated state) have improved over the past decades. Most notably, during Election Day in November 2012, as the U.S. re-elected President Obama, Puerto Rico had a nonbinding, but very significant, referendum.
As CNN explains, “First, by a 54% to 46% margin, voters rejected their current status as a U.S. commonwealth. In a separate question, 61% chose statehood as the alternative, compared with 33% for the semi-autonomous ‘sovereign free association” and 6% for outright independence.’”
Nevertheless, it should be stressed that this referendum has been marred by controversy due to the methodology used to interpret the data, including the fact that the results do not show that nearly half a million voted blank on the referendum’s second question. Hence, critics of the referendum argue that the 61% rate does not necessarily mean that 61% of all voters voted in favor of statehood.
Nevertheless, the referendum’s results are important, as previous referenda to determine if Puerto Ricans wanted their homeland to attain statehood failed in 1967, 1993 and, most recently, in 1998.
The November 1950 assassination attempt on President Truman is one of the most extreme examples of radical Puerto Ricans attempting to bring about political change in their island. Hopefully, such transformations will only happen through elections and other non-violent initiatives.