Showing posts with label spain. Show all posts
Showing posts with label spain. Show all posts

Thursday, July 20, 2023

Shephard Media: "Uruguay looks to Spain for new OPVs"

 

"Uruguay looks to Spain for new OPVs"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Naval Warfare

Shephard Media

20 July, 2023

Originally published: https://www.shephardmedia.com/news/naval-warfare/uruguay-looks-to-spain-for-new-opvs/

The Uruguayan Navy may finally receive two new offshore patrol vessels to revamp its ageing surface fleet.

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Friday, April 9, 2021

Geopolitical Monitor: TIAR 2.0: Breathing New Life into a Cold War-era inter-American Defense Treaty

 

 


"TIAR 2.0: Breathing New Life into a Cold War-era inter-American Defense Treaty"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Situation Reports

Geopolitical Monitor

9 April, 2021

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/tiar-2-0-breathing-new-life-into-a-cold-war-era-inter-american-defense-treaty/

International diplomacy is composed of an endless list of treaties, agreements, memoranda of understanding, among other types of documents between states. As events unfold and national interests and objectives shift, many of these treaties become obsolete, forgotten or replaced by new treaties. One document that is in the edge of becoming obsolete is the Inter-American Reciprocal Assistance Treaty (Tratado Inter-Americano de Asistencia Recíproca: TIAR), commonly known as the Rio Treaty.


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Sunday, July 19, 2015

CIMSEC: Damen's Presence in the Latin American & Caribbean Market, Part 2





"Damen's Presence in the Latin American and Caribbean Market" Part 2
W.  Alejandro Sanchez
Center for International Maritime Security
July 19, 2015



Selling To Everyone
The list of Damen’s current clients in the Western Hemisphere highlights one curious fact about this company: the Dutch company sells its equipment to both U.S. allies and foes alike. Certainly, Washington sees no fault in Damen’s decision to upgrade Mexico’s naval equipment. On the other hand, the U.S. government probably frowns at Damen equipping countries that Washington is at odds with, such as Venezuela (which was declared a national security threat by the White House this past March). Similarly, Damen’s shipyard in Cuba, a country that was on the U.S. State Department’s list of states that sponsor terrorism until this past May, is not considered a positive development in Washington.

Nevertheless, Damen has remained neutral in Western Hemisphere geopolitics, as it has dealt with any government willing to pay. This issue deserves further analysis by stating two obvious facts: the U.S. and the Netherlands have generally enjoyed good security relations over the past decades, and Damen is a privately-owned company, which means that the Dutch government has limited influence in the contracts and initiatives it chooses to carry out. With that said, it is bizarre that Damen chose to build a shipyard in a country that has been at odds with the U.S. for decades, and is also selling vessels to countries like Ecuador and Venezuela, which have become a thorn on Washington’s side for years (in the case of Caracas’ for a decade and a half). Certainly, Damen does not need to take into account U.S. foreign policy in its business decisions, but it is nevertheless important to keep in mind how the sale of military equipment can upset regional geopolitics, particularly if this equipment is sold to nations that have carried out aggressive foreign policies in recent years (i.e. Venezuela).
Damen is Important, But Not A Pillar

While Damen has made a name for itself in the Latin American and Caribbean market, the shipbuilding company has not fully cornered this market, as it still faces a number of competitors.
One of Damen’s major competitor is Navantia. The Spanish company has been trying to sell Peru its frigate F-538 model as well as attempting to sell Colombia (and Peru) its F-110 frigate. The company already has a strong presence in the region, best exemplified by a 2013 contract to upgrade the motor system of a Brazilian corvette, the “Julio de Noronha.” Government-to-government exchanges are also common as South Korea has donated one of its corvettes, the now-called “ARC Nariño,” to Colombia. The Donghae-class vessel served in the Republic of Korea Navy for 27 years before it was given to the South American state.

Finally, the know-how of Latin American military industries is improving. Case in point, the Peruvian shipyards Servicios Industriales de la Marina (SIMA) is currently constructing a new training vessel for the Peruvian Navy, the “BAP Union” – a project worth around $50-55 million USD. Moreover, with support from the Daewoo International Corporation and the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency, SIMA is building a new multi-purpose vessel for its Navy.

These examples stress how competitive the shipbuilding industry is in Latin America. Not only are there several major companies trying to sell brand new warships, but governments are also donating surplus naval technology. Furthermore, regional shipyards are rapidly improving their knowledge when it comes to shipbuilding, as we now have modern shipyards in countries like Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela  that are constructing their own vessels.

In fact, countries like Ecuador, Mexico and Venezuela want Damen to construct some vessels in their own shipyards in order for local technicians to learn from Damen’s experts. Certainly, none of these facilities are in a position to build a ship as complex as a carrier, but they can now construct smaller vessels, like patrol boats or support ships.

What this means for a company like Damen is that while it will continue to enjoy new contracts for the immediate future, it will have to continue developing more modern and improved equipment that its Latin American and Caribbean clients cannot purchase, maybe at a better price, from other suppliers, or even construct themselves in the not-so distant future.

A Need for Stronger Naval Forces
As transnational crime over the Caribbean Sea and other maritime crimes, such as illegal fishing, continue throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, it has become a major priority for regional states to have modern and capable navies and coast guards in order to protect their exclusive economic zones.

Certainly, it can be argued that the current purchases of some naval technologies are generally unnecessary, given that the region has enjoyed inter-state peace for decades (the last inter-state war in the region was in 1995 between Peru and Ecuador, while the last conflict with naval warfare was the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War between Argentina and the United Kingdom). Moreover, while transnational crime remains a persistent problem, Latin America has enjoyed cooperation at the inter-state level for two decades (the 2008 Colombia-Venezuela incident notwithstanding). Given this period of peace, some may argue that these defense dollars would be better spent in social programs, especially since many Latin American nations, including Damen-clients like Honduras, are very poor and underdeveloped.

Unfortunately, the reality is different. First, Latin American and Caribbean nations must have some capabilities for deterrence as inter-state tensions continue, such as between Peru and Chile or even the aforementioned 2008 incident between Colombia and Venezuela. Second, transnational drug trafficking remains a major problem from Mexico to Argentina, particularly throughout the Greater Caribbean waters as cocaine is transported from Colombia and Venezuela to the U.S. and Mexico markets. Just last May, the U.S. Coast Guard and the USS Kauffman (FFG 59) interdicted almost 1,800 kilograms of cocaine in the Eastern Pacific.

Hence, it is necessary for Latin American and Caribbean naval forces, including their coasts guards, to have fast and technologically advanced vessels for both internal and regional security – which in turn would diminish their dependence on U.S. security aid. In this sense, the involvement of companies like Damen and Navantia in the Western Hemisphere is a necessity (at least until regional states can build their own high-tech vessels).

Final Thoughts
In recent years the Dutch shipbuilding company Damen has made a name for itself as a provider of high-tech, fast vessels, from multipurpose boats to coast guard speedboats, for various Latin American and Caribbean states. Their clients include nations with small defense budgets like Honduras and Trinidad & Tobago, to major buyers like Mexico and Venezuela. Nevertheless, Damen has not cornered these region’s shipbuilding markets, as there are several other companies selling their products, such as the Spanish Navantia, in addition to regional states enjoying growing maritime defense industries.

Moreover, while Damen’s sales to the region have generally controversy-free, the incident over the overpriced vessels sold to Honduras highlights the potential for corruption, i.e. kickbacks, in countries renowned for lacking good governance. I have been unable to confirm if there were other similar discrepancies in Damen’s other contracts in the Western Hemisphere. Nevertheless, countries like Venezuela are known for their lack of transparency (case in point, the billions of petro-dollars spent by Caracas to purchase Russian military technology) while Mexico is infamous for its corrupt state-run oil company, PEMEX. Given these precedents, there are valid reasons for concern over Damen’s deals with its Latin American and Caribbean clients.

Ultimately, the question comes down to whether the region requires new vessels. Inter-state conflict may be scarce, but it remains a possibility given recent tensions between regional nations (i.e. Venezuela and Colombia, Peru and Chile or currently between Venezuela and Guyana). Thus, it is necessary for nations to maintain capable deterrent capabilities. Additionally, these states must have strong navies and coast guards to crack down on maritime crimes that range from illegal fishing to transnational drug trafficking.


In 2015, the waters along Latin American and Caribbean states are far from peaceful and Damen’s vessels, while not the cornerstone of regional navies, are an important addition to hemispheric maritime security.

Monday, November 24, 2014

VOXXI: HBO’s upcoming series on Hernan Cortes: A good idea?

Sunday, August 10, 2014

VOXXI: ‘The Liberator,’ film about Simon Bolivar to open in the US

"‘The Liberator,’ film about Simon Bolivar to open in the US"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
August 8, 2014
Originally published:http://voxxi.com/2014/08/08/the-liberator-film-simon-bolivar/


“The Liberator,” which premiered in Venezuela on Thursday, July 24, will open in the U.S. on August 22.
The movie narrates the life of Simon Bolivar, one of South America’s most important heroes during the 19th century independence wars against the Spanish Empire. While “The Liberator” probably will not make $1 billion USD at the box-office like ‘Transformers 4,’ the movie’s production value is a major accomplishment.
Production
The budget for producing ‘The Liberator’ was an approximate $50 million USD, more than a significant amount for any Latin American production company. It is important to stress that it did not receive funds from the Venezuelan government. The film is a co-production of Venezuela’s Producciones Insurgentes and Spain’s San Mateo Films.
‘The Liberator’ stars the Venezuelan actor Edgar Ramirez as Simon Bolivar and was directed by the renowned Venezuelan director, Alberto Arvelo. It was filmed in various Venezuelan and Spanish cities like Caracas and Segovia, respectively. The tagline of the film’s English poster is the provocative question “What kind of Man would Defy an Empire?”
According to reports, ‘The Liberator’ has already been a big hit, some 90 thousand people saw the film in its first weekend out in Venezuela. Meanwhile, Ramirez has received positive reviews for his portrayal of the South American hero. Nevertheless, some movie critics stress that the film summarizes Bolivar’s 47-year lifespan in two hours skims over important events.
History and Modern Politics
In spite of its success, ‘The Liberator’ has caused controversy. Ramirez has remarked how Bolivar’s image and legacy “has been utilized by the Latin American right and left for several years.” He added that the late-Hugo Chavez of Venezuela was “obsessed’ with Bolivar. While actors usually try to stay away from politics when promoting a film, Ramirez has been outspoken about his beliefs.
A fellow actor, Roque Valero, in turn critiqued Ramirez’s remarks. He tweeted that “Chavez did not speak about Bolivar obsessively, he simply taught us to be Bolivarians and that cannot be matched with special effects.”
The Venezuelan media speculates that Valero may be jealous. He recently starred as Bolivar in a government-supported movie entitled ‘Bolivar el hombre de las dificultades,’ whose success paled in comparison to ‘The Liberator.’
Artistic differences aside, the Venezuelan government has welcomed “The Liberator,” with PresidentNicolas Maduro already a fan.
He argued that Ramirez’s portrayal of Bolivar “is the most pro-Chavista Bolivar that we have seen […] Edgar Ramirez turned [Bolivar] into a human being of flesh and bone, into our liberator.” President Maduro also praised the other ‘Bolivar’ film, which Valero starred, but it seems like the Venezuelan leader preferred the recently-released adaptation.
Conspiracies and Artistic Licenses
As for the aforementioned references to the late Chavez, he was a well-known fan of Bolivar. In 2010 he took the very controversial decision of exhuming Bolivar’s body to determine how he died in 1830.
It is generally accepted that Bolivar died of tuberculosis. However, some people, including the late Venezuelan leader, believe that he was murdered. Ultimately, a 2012 report by the doctors who examined Bolivar’s remains determined that he had died of chronic breathing problems, not tuberculosis (nor was he murdered).
The movie’s ending has also been critiqued. Instead of Bolivar dying due to sickness (either tuberculosis or breathing problems), he is murdered by a group of conspirators. The screenwriter, Timothy Sexton, argues that “when you make a historical movie you have to take certain [artistic] licenses, but you have to remain faithful to [actual] events.”
The film may just be a film, but even commercial productions have to be placed in the proper context.
Theoretically Caracas did not have influence on the script or how Bolivar was portrayed because it did not fund film. But is the film ending a sign of Caracas’ influence or simply a decision by the producers? Moreover, should movies be allowed to change important events, i.e. how an international hero died, in order to add dramatic shock value?
A U.S. Hit?
‘The Liberator’ is already a hit in Venezuela and its momentum will likely translate into a good reception across Latin America. It will be important to see how the film performs when it is released in the U.S. in late August.
A recent study highlights how fewer Hispanics actors and actresses have major roles in Hollywood movies, but that does not mean that Latin American movies cannot do well in the U.S. market (i.e. ‘Motorcycle Diaries’ in 2004). We could see such a development with ‘The Liberator.’

Tuesday, August 5, 2014

VOXXI: El Salvador arrests Spanish Priest accused of aiding Mara gang

"El Salvador arrests Spanish Priest accused of aiding Mara gang"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
August 5, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/08/05/salvador-arrests-antonio-rodriguez-tercero/


Local authorities arrested a Spanish priest in El Salvador last week after accusing him of aiding the dreaded gangs known as Maras. Father Antonio Rodriguez Tercero has stated that he only carries out charity work to support gang members who are trying to reintegrate into society.
He was freed on Monday, August 4, though his judicial challenges are far from over.
15 Years in El Salvador
The 38-year old priest, who is also known as “Father Toño,” comes from the Daimiel municipality in Spain’s Ciudad Real province and has lived in El Salvador for 15 years.
In an interview with the Spanish daily El País, Father Rodriguez explained that he came to Central America after learning about the 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero and the 1989 massacre of several Jesuit priests.
These events inspired him to go to El Salvador to work for peace and address social inequality (For a further discussion of the latter crime, see my September 2013 commentary).
Father Rodriguez’s church is located in Mejicanos, a municipality close to San Salvador. One of the social programs he carries out is helping former gang members reintegrate themselves into society.
The Facts As We Know Them
The office of El Salvador’s Attorney General has accused Father Rodriguez of smuggling illicit objects, such as mobile phones, into prisons. They also argue that the priest has illicit associations with gang members like Carlos Ernesto Mojica Lechuga, a well-known Barrio 18 leader who is currently in prison.
As evidence of these connections, one of the alleged phones was used to coordinate an extortion operation carried out by Barrio 18 members in Santa Ana.
The Salvadoran police force has monitored over 100 of Father Rodriguez’s phone calls, which seem to be the cornerstone of the prosecutors’ accusations. “Rodriguez did everything that Mojica Lechuga ordered him to do,” a Salvadoran prosecutor has declared.
On July 29, authorities arrested the Spanish priest in his house in Mejicanos. The detention was part of a raid in which police forces apprehended 127 individuals throughout the country, charging them with different crimes. Father Rodriguez was held in the “División Central de Investigaciones,” and it was here that Spanish diplomats visited the priest.
Father Rodriguez’ arrest prompted social demonstrations in his native country. On August 3, around three hundred people protested in Daimiel, demanding his release. Daimiel’s mayor, as well as a former gang member who now lives in Spain, spoke in favor of the incarcerated priest.
Likewise, El Salvador’s Catholic Church has declared its support for Father Rodriguez.
El Salvador’s Archbishop Jose Luis Escobar Alas explained to the press that it is important “to recognize all the good work Father Rodriguez has done […] on behalf of the poor via his church’s social program.”
Out Of Prison, Not Out Of Trouble
The Salvadoran media reported that Father Rodriguez’ hearing ended at 3 AM on August 4. While the prosecution stressed his ties with leaders of the maras, a judge granted him conditional liberty.
The website ElSalvador.com has a video of Father Rodriguez after he was released. He appeared to be in good health and explained to the press that “the [judicial] process will continue.”
According to La Prensa Gráfica, Father Rodriguez is not allowed to leave the country or have associations with any gang members, and he must return to court whenever needed. At the time of this writing, Salvadoran prosecutors have officially charged the Spanish priest though it is unclear if he is still free or if he has been arrested once again.
Political Motivations?
In March 2012, El Salvador’s two major maras––Barrio 18 and Mara Salvatrucha––signed a historic peace agreement with the help of the country’s Catholic Church. Months after the truce came into effect crime, particularly homicides, dropped drastically. Nevertheless, recent reports highlight that gang violence is on the rise once again.
Naturally, the Spanish media has taken an interest in this case. The opening sentence of a July 30 article in El País states that, “El Salvador had a shocking morning,” when the country learned about Rodriguez’ arrest. The article later describes Rodriguez as having been a “heavyweight” in 2012.
A recent article by the Inter Press Service also discusses Father Rodriguez’s role in the peace negotiations, explaining how the Spanish priest initially critiqued the peace agreement but eventually came to support it.
Innocence in El Salvador
Many praise Father Rodriguez for his role to achieve peace between gangs in El Salvador. However, his connections to El Salvador’s Barrio 18 have ultimately landed him in prison. Those following the story still do not know whether the accusations are politically motivated or if in fact Father Rodriguez is actively helping gang members.
The Spanish daily El Día quotes a Salvadoran priest who recently declared that the arrest of Father Rodriguez “is a type of social or political pressure” because of his close relationship with the country’s gangs.
Civic society and religious institutions in El Salvador and in Spain are generally on Father Rodriguez’ side, but their support is not enough to be safe in a country like El Salvador.

Friday, July 25, 2014

VOXXI: ‘Meñique’ is Cuba’s first 3D animated film


"‘Meñique’ is Cuba’s first 3D animated film"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
July 25, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/07/25/menique-cuba-3d-film/

“Meñique” , Cuba’s first 3D animated film, was released in Cuban cinemas this month; the Cuban media has hyped the film, which is expected to be a hit with the Cuban population, particularly younger viewers.
Leaving aside potential earnings both domestically and abroad of “Meñique”, the fact that embargo-crippled Cuba is now producing 3D animated films is a milestone achievement.
A 3D movie
“Meñique”(“Pinkie”) is inspired by Edouard de Labouyale’s famous work “Tom Thumb,” which was also adapted by the famous Cuban writer José Martí for his children’s magazine La Edad de Oro (The Golden Age). The plot of this children’s movie is fairly simple: A young peasant wants to help his family emerge from poverty, and while attempting to do so, he falls in love with the king’s daughter.
The film debuted on July 20, Children’s Day in Cuba, in cinemas across the island.
“Meñique” was directed and written by the Cuban Ernesto Padrón (brother of Juan Padrón, who directed the Cuban animated film “Vampires in Havana” in 1985). The soundtrack was composed by the Cuban songwriter Silvio Rodríguez, who also wrote four original songs for the film.
Meñique is a co-production between the Cuban arts institute Estudios de Animación del Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos and the Galician company Ficción Producciones. The film reportedly required six years to complete, and over 200 artists and designers (including 34 from Spain) took part in the project. Other organizations involved in the film included the Cuban Universidad de Ciencias Informaticas and the Venezuelan Fundación Villa del Cine. The budget of “Meñique” was roughly four million dollars USD. As a point of comparison, the 2013 hit “Frozen” had a budget of $150 million USD.
Cuban Vice-President Miguel Díaz-Canel attended “the premiere of “Meñique” in Havana, declaring, “I am very proud that we have made this film.”
While this is a predictable compliment, it’s important to keep in mind that Díaz-Canel is viewed as the next president of Cuba, as Raul Castro has tipped him as his successor. If he does indeed come to power, the current vice-president may choose to further support Cuban cinema initiatives.
“Meñique” has already been showcased in international events, most notably at Animazine, a film festival in Malaga, Spain. It has also been commercialized in Spain, France, Germany and South Korea.
Latin America’s film industry
Plenty of lists are available online regarding the most famous Latin American films, so we will not delve into them (for examples, check out Forbes’15 Highest-Grossing Mexican films or a Top 25 list of Latin American movies).
Suffice to say, the region has had several internationally successful films over the decades. Among these are Brazil’s “City of God,” Mexico’s “Amores Perros,” Mexico’s “Y Tu Mamá También” and Brazil’s “Pixote”. In 2009, the Argentine film “El Secreto de Tus Ojos” won an Oscar for Best Foreign Film, while the Peruvian film “The Sorrow Teat” was also nominated. Cuba also produced the 2011 hit film “Juan of the Dead,” a zombie terror-comedy.
While Latin American films can be successful, they have also received harsh reviews. Namely, some movies have been critiqued for having been made for mainstream mass audiences.
Case in point is the 2014 Peruvian comedy “A Los 40,” which has become the second highest grossing Peruvian film ever. After only eight days, it attracted around 750,000 viewers. Nevertheless, Ivan Thays (a Peruvian writer and TV host) argued that the film’s producer, Miguel Valladares, cannot say that “A Los 40” is a “patriotic film” simply because it was made in Peru and has been successful, as the final product was of low quality. Thays also stated that the film’s success was due to marketing and the casting of popular actors instead of the quality of the movie itself.
As for the recognition of Latin American films in the near future, sadly only one film, “Wild Tales,” will be showcased at the upcoming Toronto Film Festival 2014. The film is an Argentine-Spanish co-production, produced by the famous director Pedro Almodóvar. However, Latin Post highlights that the showcasing of “Wild Tales” in Toronto “is not a world premiere, as the film already screened at the Cannes Film Festival where it received rave reviews.” In other words, no other Latin American film will enjoy a Toronto “bump” to increase its popularity.
It is positive that Latin America’s film industry continues to produce hits that do well not only domestically but also internationally. The Cuban 3D animated film “Meñique” will hopefully be another example of this ongoing momentum.
Latin American films cannot compete with their American counterparts in terms of budget and special effects, but strong and appealing plots, good acting, captivating soundtracks and overall pleasing aesthetics often make these films memorable and financially successful.