The Diplomat: " The Feasibility of Kazakhstan’s Digitalization Ambitions "

 

 "The Feasibility of Kazakhstan’s Digitalization Ambition"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

The Diplomat 

Crossroads

14 January, 2026

Published: https://thediplomat.com/2026/01/the-feasibility-of-kazakhstans-digitalization-ambitions/ 

Tokayev is committed to making Kazakhstan “fully digital within the next three years,” but what exactly does that mean, and are the government and people of Kazakhstan ready?

 

 

International Policy Digest: "Kazakhstan 2.0: Tokayev’s High-Speed Bid to Digitize a Petrostate"

 

 

"Kazakhstan 2.0: Tokayev’s High-Speed Bid to Digitize a Petrostate"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

International Policy Digest

7 October 

Published: https://intpolicydigest.org/kazakhstan-2-0-tokayev-s-high-speed-bid-to-digitize-a-petrostate/ 

The 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly is over, and the familiar churn of speeches will fuel analysts for weeks. But Astana isn’t waiting on New York.

In his State of the Nation address, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev set out a domestic agenda for the second half of the decade—an attempt to steer Kazakhstan through a volatile era by marrying digital transformation with targeted investment and institutional reform. “The world has entered a new historical era,” he warned, one that will test governments that fail to adapt.

 

CSIS: "An Unnecessary Territorial Dispute in the Amazon: Colombia’s Petro Focuses on the Wrong Threats "

 

 "An Unnecessary Territorial Dispute in the Amazon: Colombia’s Petro Focuses on the Wrong Threats"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Americas Program

Center for Strategic and International Studies

26 August 2025

Published: https://www.csis.org/analysis/unnecessary-territorial-dispute-amazon-colombias-petro-focuses-wrong-threats 

Colombia faces several challenges. The assassination of presidential candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay and two deadly attacks on August 21 are stark reminders that violence in the South American country continues. Unfortunately, rather than focus on present dangers, President Gustavo Petro has chosen to start a verbal fight with Peru, his country’s historical ally.

 

 

 

"Moldova battles for soul of pro-Russian Gagauzia"

By: Octavian Coman with Anne Beade

13 March 2024

Agence France Presse

Originally published: https://uk.news.yahoo.com/moldova-battles-soul-pro-russian-071116811.html

- Uphill battle -

Moldova's President Maia Sandu "is making real efforts to improve relations with Gagauzia, to win the hearts and minds of its people", according Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, a Moldovan expert at the Washington-based Second Floor Strategies.

Besides the language classes, the government is also upping investment in the region, including a new road to connect Chisinau with southern Moldova, including Gagauzia.

But he told AFP it would "take years and years, maybe decades, to change the beliefs of the population" and convince them that "efforts to join the EU will not destroy their identity".

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Geopolitical Monitor: UNAMA and Kazakhstan: Filling the Void in Afghanistan

 

"UNAMA and Kazakhstan: Filling the Void in Afghanistan"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

Geopolitical Monitor

21 September 2022

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/unama-and-kazakhstan-filling-the-void-in-afghanistan/

When the Taliban returned to power in Afghanistan in 2021, the global community was genuinely perplexed about how to deal with this unwelcome development. A year later, the situation remains the same: the Taliban remains in power, it is not recognized by the international community (though some governments have established diplomatic relations), and Afghanistan is still regarded as a pariah state. There are obvious concerns that the country will become, once again, the headquarters for terrorist organizations from where they can launch operations abroad.

In this problematic and dangerous situation, few organizations continue to operate in Afghanistan; one is the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). The support of Central Asian states has been critical for UNAMA to continue its operations during this challenging period. At the ongoing UN General Assembly, UNAMA’s work and the overall situation in Afghanistan must not fall through the proverbial cracks.

 

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Geopolitical Monitor: Summit for Democracy Marks Progress in Moldova Reforms

 

"Summit for Democracy Marks Progress in Moldova Reforms"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

6 December, 2021

Geopolitical Monitor

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/summit-of-democracy-marks-progress-in-moldova-reforms/

US President Joe Biden has invited the leaders of 110 countries across the globe to participate in the two-day Summit for Democracy. Much has been written about the governments that were not invited to this virtual summit, which will take place from 9-10 December, such as the People’s Republic of China, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Turkey, however there are also several participants worth noting.

For example, regarding the nations that constitute the former Soviet Union: Armenia, the three Baltic nations, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have been invited. In this brief commentary, we will briefly analyze Chisinau-Washington relations and why this invitation is an important sign of confidence from the White House to the European country’s President Maia Sandu.

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Advisor Perspectives: Kazakhstan: A Developing Frontier Market with a Western-friendly Attitude

 

"Kazakhstan: A Developing Frontier Market with a Western-friendly Attitude"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Commentary

Advisor Perspectives

22 July, 2021

Originally published: https://www.advisorperspectives.com/commentaries/2021/07/22/kazakhstan-a-developing-frontier-market-with-a-western-friendly-attitude

In the COVID-19 era, investors are turning to untapped frontier markets for higher returns and new opportunities. One nation that fits this objective is the Republic of Kazakhstan in Central Asia, as Nur-Sultan similarly aims to become a hub for Western investment as part of its own plans for economic development and diversification.

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The Diplomat: What’s in Kazakhstan’s 2025 Development Plan?

 

"What’s in Kazakhstan’s 2025 Development Plan"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Crossroads Asia

The Diplomat

23 March, 2021

Originally published: https://thediplomat.com/2021/03/whats-in-kazakhstans-2025-development-plan/

On the road to 2050, Nur-Sultan aims to diversify its economy and develop new industries.

 The government of Kazakhstan recently released its National Development Plan Through 2025, which complements the government’s primary objective of becoming one of the world’s 30 most developed nations by 2050.

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Geopolitcal Monitor: Kazakhstan: Tokayev Shows His Hand on Domestic, Foreign Policy

"Kazakhstan: Tokayev Shows His Hand on Domestic, Foreign Policy"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion
Geopolitical Monitor

October 16, 2019
Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/kazakhstan-tokayev-shows-his-hand-on-domestic-foreign-policy/



Two key speeches given in September by Kazakhstan President  Kasym-Jomart Tokayev provide a fairly good idea of what his foreign and domestic objectives will be: the Central Asian head of state addressed the 74th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on September 24, only a couple of weeks after he delivered his first State of the Nation Address on September 2.

Moreover, both speeches were momentous occasions, as it is the first time since the country’s independence in 1991 that Kazakhstan has not been ruled by someone with the last name ‘Nazarbayev.’


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The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com or any institutions with which the authors are associated.

Geopolitical Monitor: Kazakhstan’s AIFC: Off to a Promising Start?

"Kazakhstan's AIFC: Off to a Promising Start?
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Geopololitical Monitor
Opinion
13 December, 2018
Originally Published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/kazakhstans-aifc-off-to-a-promising-start/


The Astana International Financial Centre (AIFC) has taken the next step in its quest to become a Central Asian investment hub by opening the first session of the Astana International Exchange (AIX) in mid-November. Considering that the AIFC only officially commenced its operations in July, it is too early to predict whether it will be successful or not, but, for the time being, Astana can be pleased with the AIFC’s promising first steps.

The author of this report has previously discussed the AIFC for Geopolitical Monitor (“The Astana International Financial Centre: Kazakhstan’s Ambitious Step Forward”), hence we will solely focus on recent developments.
The first session of the AIX included the trading of shares for Kazatomprom, the world’s largest producer of uranium. “We have executed a successful IPO [initial public offering], proving the status of the world uranium industry leader, and have become the first company listed on the Astana International Exchange,” said Galymzhan Pirmatov, CEO of Kazatomprom National Company.

Unconditional trading in Kazatomprom’s global depositary receipts began on November 19, KazInform reported. Additionally, some 49 foreign and 16 Kazakh companies, as well as some 2,700 Kazakh citizens presented their shares on the stock exchange on opening day, according to other reports.
Another important development is that Goldman Sachs has acquired 108,480 ordinary shares. These represent a “4.1 per cent of the total issued share capital (post-money) of AIX while simultaneously entering into a 5 year put option with AIFC to protect Goldman Sachs against a decline in the value of the shares below the purchase price,” the AIFC explained.

In the near future, there are plans for the the AIX to trade shares of other state-run companies such as Kazakhtelecom, Air Astana, KazMunaiGas, among others. The obvious objective, other than to cement AIX as the country’s premier stock exchange, is to convince foreign investors that they too should utilize this new agency. Adding to the enticement is the fact that the AIFC’s International Arbitration Centre is based on English Common law.  Moreover, if the AIFC is trying to attract Western investment it helps to have a brand name like Goldman Sachs attached – not to mention NASDAQ and the Shanghai Stock Exchange. Curiously,  coinciding with the AIX’s first trading session, a delegation from Slovakia, headed by Prime Minister Peter Pellegrini, visited the AIFC’s facilities, hinting that the Central European government may be interested in the new initiative.

Dr. Ariel Cohen, a non-resident Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center, praised the AIFC at a 4 December conference in Washington DC titled “Future Calling: Infrastructure Development in Central Asia” for what it could mean for Kazakhstan. He explained that the AIFC “is a transition from a 20th century natural resources-based proposition to a 21st century investment and financial services added value proposition.”  Meanwhile, another panelist, Catullus Helmer, Co-Founder and Partner at Enovid LLP, argued that “the AIFC and the AIX have already been a success” if we regard these newborn initiatives not as the next London Stock Exchange, but rather as “a haven, bellwether, and a benchmark for the rule of law, institutions, and the business environment.”

Kazatomprom: Up for (Partial) Auction
As previously mentioned, Kazakh heavyweight Kazatomprom which, by the company’s own estimates is valued at between USD$3-4 billion, was the first company to be traded at AIX. Apart from producing uranium, the company also “manufactures and sells beryllium and tantalum products; produces, transfers, and sells electric and heat energy; produces and sells potable, technical, and distilled water; among other services, according to Bloomberg.  “Kazatomprom also traded at the London Stock Exchange, raising $451 million. 5.5 million shares were sold in Astana, including 3.93 million actual shares and 1.6 million of Global Depositary Receipts,” reported Forbes.

The selling of Kazatomprom shares is important, but should not be overestimated. As the Jamestown Foundation explains, Kazakhstan’s sovereign wealth fund Samruk Kazyna “will remain the majority shareholder and will continue to exert effective control over company operations;” hence it comes as no surprise that the plan is to sell no more than 15 percent of shares to outside investors. Then again, as the article also notes, “if Kazatomprom becomes a public company, it will be only the second major uranium miner in the world, after Canada’s Cameco, to obtain such a status.”  The partial privatization of this company is a good example of Astana giving up (partial) control of its profitable state-run enterprises, beginning with the crown jewel,  Kazatomprom, in order to attrack a more global clientele.

Ambitious Goals
The AIFC’s raison d’être is ambitious: to become the country’s main financial hub and one of the leading financial centers of Asia in the shortest possible time, which will help the Central Asian state become one of the top 30 most developed nations by 2050. The Centre was launched this past January, though it only started operating in July; and in November the AIX opened.

The role of Goldman Sachs and the partial privatization of an important company like Kazatomprom are attractive first steps. Another factor that could also attract investors is the Central Asian state’s ranking in the “Doing Business 2018: Reforming to Create Jobs” report by the World Bank. In the latest report, Kazakhstan ranks number 36 in the “Ease of Doing Business Ranking” section,  with Switzerland at 33, Japan at 34, Russia at 35 and Slovenia at 37, out of 190 states that were analyzed. The next Central Asian state is Uzbekistan at number 74.  Even more, the report notes that “thirteen economies [including Kazakhstan] passed legislation in 2016/17 that increased corporate transparency requirements,” in addition to strengthening minority investor protections by increasing shareholder rights and their role in major corporate decisions. Thus, Kazakhstan is in an expectant place and we will have to see if the AIFC manages to increase the country’s position further in the coming years.

Of course, the future of the AIFC is not free of challenges. One obvious issue is that the Kazakh market and capital alone are not big enough to remain constantly active, and attractive. At the Atlantic Council event, Dr. Cohen explained that the AIFC can succeed “provided it is not limited just to Kazakhstan.” Hence, AIFC’s priority is to present itself as the natural conduit though which investors can make business with other Central Asian nations.

This will be achieved if the AIFC’s agencies are successful. For example, if the International Arbitration Centre successfully manages a dispute between Western company “X” and Central Asian country “Y” in a manner which both sides regard as professional and whose outcome is regarded as acceptable, this will  increase the AIFC’s international pedigree. We will have to wait and see how the Arbitration Centre deals with cases once they start coming in, but at least the IAC seems to be well staffed, as it is chaired by Barbara Dohmann QC, a well-known UK commercial barrister. The Kazakhs have imported “high quality expertise” to the IAC, remarked Dr. Cohen at the Atlantic Council event.
There is also a foreign policy aspect to the AIFC’s success, as the Kazakh government will have to maintain cordial and friendly relations with the other Central Asian states (relations with Uzbekistan have steadily improved since the new president came to power) in order to maintain borders open in order to promote freedom of movement and trade.

The AIFC and Kazakhstan
If the AIFC works as expected, and greater investment and industries come from Europe, Japan, South Korea and the United States, this will also help diversify Kazakhstan’s economy. An October 2018 report by the Project on Prosperity and Development, part of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, entitled “The Future of Global Stability The World of Work in Developing Countries Kazakhstan Case Study,” explains this situation well. “Kazakhstan was one of the fastest-growing economies in the world during the natural resources boom of the 1990s,” the report explains, adding that it “has shown great progress in formal job creation. Between 2003 and 2013, annual employment growth was 2.1 percent, compared to the total labor force growth of 1.7 percent. During this period, a total 1.5 million jobs were created.”

However, there is government-acknowledged over-reliance on natural resource extraction, namely oil and gas. The CSIS report argues that, “construction, mining, and agribusiness are among the sectors projected to be the most promising for economic growth in the next 10 to 15 years, but challenges to the labor market remain,” including a large informal job sector. If oriented correctly, the AIFC could bring companies and externally-backed projects that would help diversify the Kazakh economy: e.g. constructing roads to help the agricultural sector.

Conclusion
There is an understandable degree of international skepticism about the AIFC’s ambitious objectives. Plenty of projects around the world begin with great fanfare only to collapse. However, what the AIFC has achieved in its firsts months of operations is commendable, which should help convince the international financial community to look at the AIFC as viable conduit for investment in Kazakhstan, and potentially the rest of Central Asia.


Wilder Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cybersecurity issues. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com or any institutions with which the author is associated.

Geopolitical Monitor: Central Asia and Afghanistan: Helping Your Neighbor

 

"Central Asia and Afghanistan: Helping Your Neighbor"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

Geopolitical Monitor

7 August 2018

Originally published:

https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/central-asia-and-afghanistan-helping-your-neighbor/

The vast majority of literature since the 2001 US-led multinational military operation has focused on the role of the global powers in Afghanistan. However, it is important to also discuss what interests Central Asian states have in the country, since the view from Astana or Tashkent is not that of a far-away government, but a neighbor with which Afghanistan has strong cultural, geographic (it borders Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan), and political ties.

Central Asia-Afghanistan relations is a fairly complex topic, and fortunately new analyses have been published in recent years that discuss this issue in greater detail. Hence, for the sake of brevity, we will focus on recent developments.
Generally speaking, all Central Asian states have carried out some type of initiative to aid the development of Afghanistan. Some recent examples include:

Kazakhstan. Astana is very interested in educating Afghan youths so they can return to their homeland and help their nation develop. According to The Astana Times: “since 2010, Kazakhstan has implemented a $50 million educational program for Afghan citizens. Under the program, about 1,000 Afghan citizens will receive professional training from 2010 to 2021.” In July of this year, 53 Afghan students graduated, including surgeons, obstetricians, and pediatricians, from a Kazakh university. Astana has also separately called for a peace process in Afghanistan.

Kyrgyzstan. A considerable amount of ethnic Kyrgyz live in Afghanistan, particularly in the mountainous Wakhan Corridor, and there have been meetings recently between the two governments regarding their protection. Additionally, Afghanistan and Kyrgyzstan are two of the four countries that form the joint Central Asia-South Asia energy project commonly known as CASA-1000.

Tajikistan. In mid-June, Dushanbe pledged to increase power exports to Afghanistan. According to Azernews, “in 2017 Tajikistan supplied about 1.4 billion kWh of electricity to Afghanistan. This year it plans to increase this figure to 1.5 billion kWh.” Tajikistan is also part of the CASA-1000 project. Even more, in a sign of Kabul’s willingness to further improve relations with its direct neighbor, the Afghan government has extradited four supporters of the late Tajik rebel general Abduhalim Nazarzoda.

Turkmenistan. The two countries are part of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline, which would provide Ashgabat a corridor to increase its exports. The first three aforementioned countries are also part of a different energy project, TAP, which will “transmit 500 kilovolts of power from Turkmenistan to Pakistan through Afghanistan.” Finally, in December 2017, a MoU was signed to improve railway infrastructure between the two countries in order to help Afghan products reach new markets.

Uzbekistan. Tashkent is attempting to mediate between the Afghan government and the Taliban. In December 2017, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani visited Tashkent; months later, in March, Uzbekistan held a peace conference (which the Taliban skipped), and offered its services to mediate between the Taliban and Kabul once again in June. Additionally, Tashkent appears to be committed to promoting Afghan development: in early July, Uzbekistan pledged to “invest $500 million into the construction of railway tracks from Mazar-i-Sharif city to Herat province.” Finally, there have been talks recently about creating a free trade zone between the two states to promote trade and development (bilateral trade in 2017 reached US$ 350 million).

The common denominators among Central Asian interests regarding Afghanistan are stability and prosperity. By this we mean that regional governments do not want the Taliban to return to power – a worrisome possibility as the group has regained control of several provinces – since this might contribute to radicalism spreading throughout the region.

For the sake of argument, it is important to note that Central Asia analysts have somewhat differing positions regarding how much of a threat the Taliban and/or the so-called Islamic State present to the region. For example, a 2014 report by the AAN argues that “security risks that link Afghanistan to the former Soviet republics of Central Asia are often highly exaggerated” as “in Central Asia the main players in narcotics trafficking are government employees, security officers, and mafia figures,” while insurgents tend to be more often local rather than originating in Afghanistan.

This is a fairly controversial statement that clashes with more recent analyses, like “Central Asia’s Anxious Watch On The Afghan Border” by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and “Why Central Asia is increasingly worried about Afghanistan” by DW. Even more, recent incidents indicate that Taliban forces are operating dangerously close to Afghanistan’s neighbors. For example, a June 2018 Taliban attack that killed 16 Afghan troops occurred in Takhar province bordering Tajikistan. Moreover, four foreign cyclists were murdered in Southern Tajikistan in late July, a crime that Islamic State has since claimed responsibility for.

Thus, the activities of Afghanistan-based violent extremists continue to get closer to the three bordering Central Asian states, making a spread of violence a valid possibility. Central Asia has already seen its share of conflict since gaining independence from the Soviet Union, such as the Tajik civil war (1992-1997) and Uzbekistan’s clashes with the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, whose remaining fighters have sworn loyalty to the Taliban (though some other Uzbek nationals have joined the IS branch in Khorasan province). Thus, it is a national security interest for Central Asian governments to not only help Afghanistan defeat the Taliban and other insurgent movements, but also to promote the country’s development and prosperity in order to prevent new groups from appearing.

Projects like CASA-1000, TAPI and TAP are good examples of Central Asia providing Afghanistan with much needed energy, and we will have to monitor whether any of these projects become operational in the near future. On the other hand, it is debatable how much Central Asia can actually profit from the Afghan market, as China, Europe, and Russia are more desirable and lucrative targets. Afghanistan could serve as a corridor for Uzbek, Tajik, and/or Turkmen products to reach India and Pakistan, but this will depend on the construction of better roads and railways in Afghanistan, not to mention the resolution of lingering security issues.

Additionally, Central Asian states have much to gain from peace in Afghanistan because it will mean the protection of ethnic minorities who live there (and who in turn may become – or already are – influential players in Afghan politics). For example, a July commentary in The Diplomat explains, “if Tashkent can play a role in convincing some members of the Taliban to come to the bargaining table, Uzbekistan’s status as a regional mediator will increase greatly.” Astana has similarly attempted to promote dialogue, but it seems that the Afghan conflict is so complex, given the various players and interests involved, that it’s unlikely that any peace process will bear fruit anytime soon.

Final Thoughts
Rather than a top-down or bottom-up approach, Central Asian initiatives towards Afghanistan are all over the place, hinting at a lack of coordination among these governments regarding how to handle their neighbor. The lack of a regional blueprint (the Istanbul Process notwithstanding) and the lack of any desire among the governments to work together (e.g. Turkmenistan’s historic isolationism) are two possible explanations of the current situation.

This does not mean that there have not been successes. The education of Afghan doctors in Kazakhstan will hopefully pay off in the long-term, and energy-related projects among the other states will hopefully provide Afghanistan with development, jobs, and revenue – assuming that Kabul manages to address corruption in the country, particularly in its fuel sector.

While the U.S. and its allies have generally focused on a military approach to dealing with Afghanistan, Central Asian states have approached the nation primarily via non-violent routes (mediation attempts; nurturing investment and construction; and educating the Afghan youth). But the overriding question is: How long can this strategy last if Afghan-based insurgent groups carry out more attacks in Central Asian regions bordering Afghanistan?

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated, and don’t reflect any official position of Geopoliticalmonitor.com.

VOXXI: Central America takes center stage at IADB Conference

"Central America takes center stage at IADB Conference"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
November 10, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/11/10/interamerica-bank-central-america-crisis/

While conferences in Washington are a dime a dozen, there’s a unique momentum in a one being hosted by the Inter-American Development Bank this month with Central American heads of state in attendance, as well as U.S. dignitaries, all in light of the unaccompanied migrant minors crisis.

The  conference that will address the present and likely future of Central America on Friday, November 14. The goal is to not simply discuss Central America’s problems, such as immigration and poverty, but also how the international community can help local governments to overcome these challenges.

Meetings withe Central Americans heads of state

The IADB’s conference, entitled “Investing in Central America: Opening Up Opportunities for Growth,” will have VIP guests such as presidents Juan Orlando Hernández of Honduras, Otto Pérez Molina of Guatemala, and Salvador Sánchez Cerén of El Salvador, Vice President Joe Biden and IADB President Luis Alberto Moreno. Also in attendance will be policymakers and entrepreneurs from the U.S., Central America and Europe.

Washington has a particular interest in Central America due to ongoing migration from that region. Hence, it came as no surprise that Thomas Shannon, a career ambassador and current counselor to Secretary of State John Kerry, travelled to Central America to meet with the presidents who will arrive to Washington next week.

Additionally, Central American policymakers will visit Washington prior to the conference in order to maintain the momentum. Most notably, on November 13, the ministers of foreign affairs of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras will participate in a conference at the Atlantic Council.

Moreover, during the IADB event the Central American presidents will unveil the “Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity in the Northern Triangle” (Prosperity Plan for short). This is an ambitious plan meant to promote development and enhance security in the region. The plan both acknowledges the region’s violence and other shortcomings but also provides concrete suggestions on how to improve the economic and security situation there.

A milestone event?

This upcoming event can be analyzed from two points of view. First, at the domestic level, this will be an important test to see how the Obama White House will work with a Republican-controlled Congress after the recent Midterm elections.

Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY), the Senate’s likely next majority leader, has stated that while President Obama is mistaken by taking unilateral action on immigration (the U.S. president supports immigration reform), the Senate, nonetheless, wants to take action on this issue. With that said, the Republicans are in no-great hurry to promote immigration reform, particularly if this serves to increase President Obama’s popularity.

Given the adverse situation on Capitol Hill, it will be interesting to see how much Vice President Biden will promise when he meets the visiting Central American leaders, all of whom would like to see some type ofimmigration reform in the U.S. in the (very) near future. During his recent trip to Central America, the aforementioned Shannon declared that Washington wants to begin “a new type of relationship” with these countries, but that remains to be seen in the post-Midterm era.

Economic challenges in Central America

The second way to view the IADB conference is by addressing the current situation in Central America. The Prosperity Plan is important because it calls for greater integration between these three violence and poverty-afflicted states. Any follower of Latin American political history has read innumerable speeches that call for regional integration, but few initiatives have been successful in the long-term. The Prosperity Plan outlines projects that would deeply unite El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, with the additional effect of supporting the three nations overcome their collective problems.

One aspect of development of the plan worth highlighting is the focus on improving transportation to promote the movement of people, goods and services. The goal is to not only increase trade between the three countries, but also with the greater Central American region.

For example, the Prosperity Plan mentions the need to improve the corridor that connects Puerto Quetzal, a Guatemalan port in the Pacific, with Guatemala City and then with San Pedro Sula in Honduras. While none of these countries are in a position to construct a trans-Oceanic canal a la Panama or Nicaragua, cooperation amongst themselves can help them become a competitive option for the movement of goods.

Moreover, when discussing how to improve the training of local workers, the plan also states that it will “prioritize providing attention to migrant citizens who return [to their country]” so that these people can receive proper job-related training and benefit from health and educational services. The goal is for them to quickly rejoin the local workforce. This is a particularly important objective which highlights how these governments are attempting to address the effects that departing citizens have on their countries, particularly regarding the flight of qualified labor force.

Ultimately, the IADB’s upcoming conference promises a new U.S.-Central American relationship, and the launching of a new plan to integrate these three Central American states. We will have to see how many of these promises and plans become a reality.

Blouin: The real culprit behind Peru’s ruined ruins

The Real Culprit behind Peru's Ruined Ruins
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: World
July 16, 2013
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatworld/2013/07/16/the-real-culprit-behind-perus-ruined-ruins/

Peru’s booming tourism industry has been a cornerstone of the South American country’s economic growth. This makes the destruction in July of one of the twelve 4,000 year-old pyramids in the El Paraiso archaeological complex all the more grim. Besides the known culprits, real-estate developers, there’s an additional and unlikely cause: Machu Picchu.

That citadel of the Incan Empire is the country’s flagship tourist destination. A recent survey named Machu Picchu as the third most popular tourist destination in South America.

However, the Peruvian government is unfortunately not giving the same care and priority to other archeological centers as it gives to Machu Picchu.

Reports explain that the developers – Inmobiliaria Alisol S.A.C. and Provelanz E.I.R.L. — used heavy machinery to harm and subsequently burnt one the pyramids at the El Paraiso complex, located not far from Lima. “[These people] have committed irreparable damage to a page of Peruvian history,” says Marco Guilen, the director of an excavation project at El Paraiso. When the developers arrived to destroy one of twelve pyramids located there, the center was not guarded. They argue that they had legally purchased 50 hectares of land where the El Paraiso site is located and planned to build a housing complex. After the destruction of the pyramid was made public, guards were deployed to prevent further damage. Meanwhile, Peru’s Ministry of Culture, in charge of overseeing the conservation of archeological sites, has started a lawsuit against the developers.

Worryingly, the destruction of the El Paraiso pyramid is not an isolated event. An example of similar unsalvageable archeological destruction occurred in May in Belize. There, a construction company destroyed an ancient Mayan pyramid at the site of the Nohmul (meaning Big Mound) in order to build a road.The archeological center is at least 2,300 years old and is (or was) the most important site in northern Belize. But the loss of one of the twelve El Paraiso pyramids serves as a stark reminder that some sites receive more priority by authorities when it comes to conservation and protection initiatives. Both Peru and Belize have laws that protect archeological sites, but such laws are useless if they are not properly and actively enforced. If only for financial-related reasons, Peruvian authorities should protect archeological sites around the nation due to their contribution to tourism and local economies.

Tourism in Peru benefits from a plurality of archeological centers and historical attractions in the county’s highlands, such as the Valley of the Incas, the Sacsayhuaman fortress and the cathedral in the city of Cuzco. Most of these sites date back to the Incan Empire and pre-Incan cultures, and have made the region a paradise for tourists, archeologists, and even television producers — a Brazilian soap opera, called Amor a Vida, filmed several episodes in Cuzco this past April.

It should be remembered here, as well, that tourism to Machu Picchu is growing — and so is concern that the massive flow of visitors to the citadel will put the safety of the ruins in jeopardy. Furthermore, authorities are also concerned that the expansion of Aguas Calientes, a nearby town, could affect the ruins. In May 2012, specialists from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) visited Machu Picchu and provided suggestions to local authorities on how to protect the citadel. The Peruvian government, specially the Ministry of Culture, needs to listen — and apply those suggestions nationwide to protect its wealth of cultural history.