Geopolitical Monitor: "Soldiers of Peace: A Peruvian Blue Helmet in MINUSCA"

"Soldiers of Peace: A Peruvian Blue Helmet in MINUSCA"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Opinion
Geopolitical Monitor
June 19, 2020
Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/soldiers-of-peace-a-peruvian-blue-helmet-in-minusca/

The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) is a critical player in the affairs of the African nation, which faces internal instability due to several rebel movements, in addition to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. One of the contributing nations to MINUSCA is the Republic of Peru, which has a long history of participation in peacekeeping operations (PKOs).

In an exclusive interview with the author, Captain Jessica Chuquisengo Acosta of the Peruvian Army, explains the activities of the Peruvian engineering company (Compañía de Ingeniería Perú) that currently operates in MINUSCA, and the operations female peacekeepers carry out in particular.

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IPD: Kazakhstan Should Have a Bigger Role In UN Peace Operations

"Kazakhstan Should Have a Bigger Role in UN Peace Operations"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
International Policy Digest
25 February 2018
Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/2018/02/25/kazakhstan-should-have-a-bigger-role-in-un-peace-operations/

Kazakhstan held the rotating presidency of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) throughout January 2018, a significant accomplishment for the Central Asian country, which has also chaired the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in recent years. While Astana’s seat in the UNSC is certainly commendable as it is the first Central Asian nation to join this body, the Kazakh government should take a further step forward as it strives to promote global stability by having a larger role in United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKO).

To be clear, Kazakhstan has participated in peace operations and has carried out non-military operations in other missions, but the author argues that this presence should be increased. The Central Asian state first announced that its armed forces would participate in PKOs in 2013. According to January 2018 official data by the UN’s Peacekeeping Operations website, there are currently five Kazakh experts on mission serving in the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO).

Apart from the UN, Kazakhstan deployed Army engineers to Iraq after the 2003 war to provide humanitarian assistance, including carrying out mine-clearing operations. “In 2003, Kazakhstan sent 27 military engineers to assist operations of the coalition in Iraq. Over five years, nine contingents totaling 290 Kazakh peacekeeping troops were rotated through Iraq,” the Kazakh government reports. Finally, Kazakh troops have been involved in training foreign troops, such as Afghan border security forces, to help improve internal security in the fellow Central Asia state.

While Kazakhstan’s role in peace operations is praiseworthy, more can, and should, be done. It is worth remembering that, upon joining the UNSC in 2017, Kazakhstan stated its priorities, which ranged from “eliminating the threat of a global war” to “bringing peace to the African continent.” Tragically, eight of the UN’s 15 PKOs are located precisely in Africa, such as the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) or the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), which have well over ten thousand peacekeepers each, in an attempt to strengthen security and the rule of law. In order to keep up with its noble intentions, the Kazakh government should consider sending additional troops to more UN peace missions.

Training foreign security forces and sending engineers is an important component of promoting security and state-building, however, it has to go hand in hand with improving the security situation on the ground. Sadly, there are plenty of hot spots of violence that warrant attention and active participation from the international community, particularly from capable armed forces. In other words, the UN could use well-trained Kazakh troops on the ground in countries like the DRC, CAR among several others. As a final point, it is important to stress that saying that Central Asian armed forces as “well-trained” is not an overstatement, as Kazakh defense personnel regularly train with military powers such as the U.S. Case in point, in September 2017, 35 troops of the country’s peacekeeping battalion carried out a three-day training course with instructors from the U.S. Defence Institute for Medical Operations. Also last year British, Kazakh and U.S. troops carried out Exercise Steppe Eagle – Spring 2017 at the Iliyskiy training centre.

The decision to deploy more troops to UN peace missions should not be taken lightly, as there is an ever-present possibility for violence and, sadly, casualties – like the tragic deaths of 15 Tanzanian peacekeepers, assigned to MONUSCO, in December 2017. Thus, the Kazakh regime should not commit to deploying additional troops to UN peace missions without a careful consideration of the potential risks that such a deployment entails. With that said, instability and violence in the world continues, and nations like Kazakhstan, which have pledged to promote global peace, must have a bigger role in helping bring stability to troubled areas.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

IPD: Brazil to Join UN Mission in Central African Republic, MINUSCA

"Brazil to join UN Mission in Central African Republic, MINUSCA"
W. Alejandro Sanchez and Scott Morgan
14 December 2017
International Policy Digest
Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/2017/12/14/brazil-to-join-un-mission-in-central-african-republic-minusca/

Brazil will join the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), theUN announced. This is an important decision for the South American nation, as Brasilia looks to maintain a high profile in UN peace operations. This also shows an increased interest in Africa as well perhaps to counterbalance western interests. What remains to be seen is whether the 750 Brazilian troops to be deployed will have a positive impact in MINUSCA’s operations as the violence in the troubled central African state continues.

Brazil and UN Peace Missions

Brazil has had a strong interest in participating in UN missions in order to increase its international profile. In fact, the South American country had a leading role in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), as well as the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). MINUSTAH concluded its activities this past October after 13 years in the Caribbean state, prompting Brazil and other donors to withdraw their troops, and it has been replaced by a smaller mission, the United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti (MINUJUSTH).

According to October 2017 statistics provided by the UN Peacekeeping website, Brazil currently has deployed 250 personnel – police, experts on mission, contingent troops and staff officers – in various UN missions. The largest contribution is to the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) where Brazil has deployed 205 troops and regularly deploys a warship to UNIFIL’s maritime taskforce.

Furthermore, Brazil operates in other UN missions in Africa, such as the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO); the UN Mission in Darfur (UNAMID); the UN Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS); the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA); and the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). Finally, it is worth noting that Brazil is already participating in MINUSCA as it has deployed one expert on mission and two staff officers.

The South American country’s contribution to MINUSCA will dramatically increase since, according to reports, 750 Brazilian military personnel will go to the African state. On 23 November, a Twitter account apparently belonging to Brazilian General Estevam Cals Theophilo Gaspar de Oliveira tweeted a collage of photos of the multinational logistic exercises AmazonLog17 that Brazil carried out with Colombia, and Peru. The tweet explains the experience learned from the exercises “will be utilized by the Brazilian army in the UN mission that it will participate in 2018 in the Central Africa Republic, MINUSCA.”

There is no official timeline for when the troops will be deployed, but Brazilian General Ajax Porto Pinheiro has been quoted by AFP in a late November article, stating that “the timing is not precise, but we think our troops will go to Central Africa by March or April.” It is also unclear what types of units will be deployed and what exactly will be their task in MINUSCA. Another Latin American state currently present in CAR is Peru, which has deployed a company of some 200 military engineers that carries out construction and support operations.

The Future MINUSCA

The key question is how effective will the 750 Brazilian troops be towards MINUSCA’s objections, which include the stabilization of CAR, protecting civilians from attacks by Séléka rebels and anti-Balaka forces, and supporting development operations. MINUSCA’s mandate was renewed in November for another year, and it will now expire on 15 November, 2018. According to a UN press release, the Security Council “decided to increase the Mission’s troop limit by 900 military personnel, resulting in an authorized troop ceiling of 11,650 military personnel, including 480 military observers and military staff officers, 2,080 police personnel and 108 corrections officers” via Resolution 2387 (2017). From a pure numbers perspective, an additional 900 troops is a (big) drop of water in an already large glass and it is debatable how impactful they will be.

Certainly, the Brazilian military is well trained, has experience in UN peacekeeping (they just spent 13 years in MINUSTAH, not including other operations), and it remains very motivated regarding future involvement in peacekeeping – the Brazilian ministry of defense and military have repeatedly been praised for their involvement in peace missions.

With that said, MINUSCA is operating in a complex and dangerous situation, where violence is much more prevalent than in Haiti, as fighters from other conflict zones use the country as a safe haven and the famous peacekeepers’ blue helmet makes them a target. Indeed, MINUSCA peacekeepers have been regularly attacked in recent months, including in September, near Gambo, when a peacekeeper was wounded; while an attack in Bria on 4 December, “resulted in one Mauritanian peacekeeper killed and two other Mauritanian peacekeepers and one Zambian peacekeeper injured.”

Thus, there is a high probability that Brazilian peacekeepers will be targeted in MINUSCA, like their counterparts from other nations have been. This is particularly the case if they go out into the field to carry out stabilization and protection operations, not simply remain in their UN compounds – a common critique against UN blue helmets. Other criticisms have included peacekeepers sexually assaulting those who they are supposed to be protecting and providing weapons or looking the other way when a militia attacks the civilian population.

Final Thoughts

Brazil’s decision to join MINUSCA is unsurprising as the country has participated in various peacekeeping operations, taking a leading role in Haiti, East Timor and the UN maritime force in Lebanon. After the recent closing of MINUSTAH, it was only natural that the Portuguese-speaking giant would look to participate in another UN mission.

The real question is how effective will 750 Brazilian troops be in MINUSCA’s overall operations. The UN mission has been operating since 2014 and unfortunately, the Central African country remains unstable, despite the excellent work of certain NGOs working on reconciliation issues, with ongoing violence against civilians, the government and the peacekeepers themselves.

The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect any institutions with which the authors are associated.