Sunday, December 29, 2013

Quoted in: Publico: Costa Rica: a felicidade de não ter um exército

"Costa Rica: a felicidade de nao ter um exercito"
By: Joao Ruela Ribeiro
Publico (Portugal)
December 21, 2013

É numa das regiões mais instáveis do mundo que está um dos países que fez do pacifismo um modo de vida e que se orgulha de ter mais professores do que soldados. Há 65 anos, a Costa Rica aboliu as suas forças armadas e substituiu as bases militares por escolas. Pretende ser o primeiro país em desenvolvimento a deixar de ser dependente de carvão,até 2021. E os costa-riquenhos são o povo mais feliz do planeta, de acordo com o Happy Planet Index. “Parece algo tirado da lista de desejos da música Imagine de John Lennon”, como escreveu a revista Diplomat. Apesar de apresentar sinais de alguma inquietação, o paradigma pacifista da Costa Rica parece estar aí para ficar, mas a América Latina ainda não é uma região segura.

Na manhã de 1 de Dezembro de 1948, o Presidente, José Figueres Ferrer, declarava “oficialmente dissolvido o Exército Nacional, por considerar suficiente para a segurança do país a existência de um bom corpo de polícia.” “O Exército Regular da Costa Rica (...) entrega a chave deste quartel às escolas, para que seja convertido num centro cultural.” 

Não obstante o carácter louvável da deposição das armas, por trás da decisão do novo Presidente estiveram razões bem mais pragmáticas. A subida de Ferrer ao poder aconteceu depois de um confronto militar entre o Exército da Costa Rica, apoiado por guerrilhas comunistas, e a sua própria facção de homens armados. A ausência de forças armadas na Costa Rica significava também a ausência de ameaças para Don Pepe, como era carinhosamente conhecido.

O investigador do Instituto de Ciências Sociais (ICS) Andrés Malamud sintetiza os ganhos que a Costa Rica obteve nas últimas décadas: “Em contraste com a maioria da América Central, não teve mais guerras civis e, em contraste com a maioria da América Latina, não teve mais golpes de Estado.”
Para além disso, a falta de forças armadas permitiu que os orçamentos para a educação e para a saúde fossem mais generosos. Não é por acaso que a Costa Rica é conhecida como a “Suíça da América Latina”. A esperança média de vida tem um valor quase nipónico, de 78 anos, e a taxa de alfabetização é de 96,3%, valores que fariam corar muitos países europeus.

Nas relações externas, a Costa Rica aposta nas virtudes do “multilateralismo”, confiando na diplomacia e no papel das instituições supranacionais para a resolução de conflitos. É o que tem acontecido com o diferendo que envolve a fronteira com o Nicarágua. As reivindicações territoriais entre os dois países têm mais de um século, mas em Outubro de 2011 conheceram novos desenvolvimentos. Um grupo de trabalhadores nicaraguenses foi enviado para a foz do rio San Juan – a fronteira natural entre os dois países – onde iniciaram a dragagem do local, chegando mesmo a montar um acampamento guardado por 50 soldados em território costa- riquenho. A resposta não tardou, com o Governo da Costa Rica a enviar 70 polícias para o local e
a interpor uma acção junto do Tribunal Internacional de Justiça (TIJ). A Nicarágua argumento que o local onde o contingente estacionou ainda pertencia ao país, servindo-se de uma imprecisão do Google Maps como prova da reivindicação. Constatando o óbvio, a Google aconselhou os governos mundiais a não tomarem decisões geoestratégicas tendo como base a sua aplicação. A Time chamou-lhe a “guerra do século XXI”.

Em Novembro, o TIJ decidiu a favor da Costa Rica e ordenou Manágua a retirar todo o equipamento e o pessoal que tinha no território disputado. O ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros da Costa Rica, Enrique Castillo, saudou aquela que foi “uma vitória do direito internacional”. E também do pacifismo costa-riquenho, reconhecido pela comunidade internacional. É na capital, San Juan, que se situa, por exemplo, a sede do Tribunal Inter-Americano dos Direitos Humanos, desde 1979, e foi igualmente na Costa Rica que a ONU instalou, em 1980, a Universidade para a Paz.
Uma região intranquila
Por tudo isto, o pacifismo tornou-se consensual na Costa Rica e é visto como “um factordiferenciador do país face a vizinhos vistos de fora como belicistas, pouco confiáveis e incapazes de construir sociedades equilibradas e justas”, observa o docente do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas (ISCSP) Marcos Farias Ferreira. No entanto, o aparecimento recente de um grupo armado que afirma estar a preparar-se para defender o país na eventualidade de um conflito vem mostrar que o pacifismo pode não ser tão transversal como aparenta. Trata-se de um grupo de cerca de cem elementos, liderados por um ex-chefe da polícia, que se autodenomina como “Frente Patriótica para a Defesa Nacional” e que afirma ter passado os últimos meses em exercícios militares na selva do país.
A Presidente da Costa Rica, Laura Chinchilla, demarcou-se de imediato das acções do grupo, afirmando que “esta é a via que levou outros países latino-americanos a importar fórmulas guerrilheiras ou paramilitares.” A resistência do Governo costa-riquenho tem por base os vários exemplos, por toda a América Latina, de grupos armados que degeneraram em ameaças internas para os próprios regimes, tais como as Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia, o Exército Popular do Povo Paraguaio ou o Sendeiro Luminoso. 

Não é provável que este tipo de grupos encontre terreno fértil na pacífica Costa Rica, apesar de haver o reconhecimento de que os desentendimentos fronteiriços mais recentes obrigam a um fortalecimento em matéria de segurança. “A linha que separa este reforço da militarização é muito ténue”, afirma Marcos Ferreira. No entanto, o docente prevê que, “na conjuntura actual os actores políticos não defenderão essa alteração tão crítica do carácter e da identidade do país.” O tempo em que os homicídios e os golpes de Estado eram a forma privilegiada de substituição dos líderes políticos na América Latina já são relíquias, mas nem por isso os conflitos cessaram. 

Considerando que “a possibilidade de guerra entre dois Estados é baixa”, o investigador do Council of Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), Alejandro Sanchez, sublinha que “os problemas e os desafios à segurança da região são hoje em dia de carácter interno” e elege o narcotráfico e os grupos violentos como as maiores ameaças.
Depois da Costa Rica, também o Panamá aboliu as suas forças armadas, após a queda de Manuel Noriega em 1989, sugerindo que o exemplo costa-riquenho pudesse ser seguido. No entanto, ambas as decisões foram conjunturais, não fazendo supor, segundo Marcos Farias Ferreira, que outros países sigam o mesmo caminho.
As cautelas quanto à segurança da América Latina ainda imperam nas opções militares da maioria dos países. Alejandro Sanchez defende que “é seguro não ter um exército, mas são necessárias forças de segurança internas (polícia, guarda costeira e fronteiriça, entre outras) porque a região não é pacífica.”

Monday, December 23, 2013

VOXXI: Instability in Latin America, the good and the bad for 2014


Instability in Latin America, the Good and the Bad for 2014
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
December 23, 2013
Originally published:http://voxxi.com/2013/12/23/instability-latin-america-2014-good-bad/


Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay are the countries with  ”low risk” probabilities to experience major protests during 2014 in Latin America, according to the magazine The Economist, while Argentina and Venezuela are the nations with “very high risk” for instability.
The nations at lowest risk are, at first glance, self-evident. In spite of corruption allegations and occasional protests, countries like Costa Rica and Chile are not generally known for internal instability.
But wait a minute. Does Costa Rica deserve to have such a prominent position in The Economist’s chart? The Central American state has an ongoing territorial dispute with Nicaragua which has been largely bloodless and violence-free, But this does not mean that Costa Rica has been free of violence in 2013.
For example, there were popular protests in October, when, according to the news site Ticotimes.net, “hundreds of public employees, teachers, students, taxi drivers and motorcyclists,” protested in San Jose.
The reasons for the discontent varied; teachers, for example, denounced a reduction in extra salary in bonuses, while motorcycle owners protested against recent increases in the price of vehicle circulation permits.
Similarly, there is ongoing dissatisfaction with the administration of Laura Chinchilla. This is a somewhat bizarre development that deserves further mentioning.
According to an index by Transparency International, Costa Rica is the third least corrupt Latin American state. Nevertheless, an October poll by CID/Gallup, for the Spanish-language online Costa Rican newspaper, CRHoy.com, asked 1200 Costa Ricans for their opinion regarding their government’s performance.
Surprisingly, an overwhelming 95% of the poll’s respondents believed that some part of President Chinchilla’s administration is “corrupt.”
However, in spite of this high degree of government mistrust, as well as occasional protests, it is true Costa Rica remains stable compared to other Central American states (i.e. Honduras).
Too good to be true?
But it is Chile’s similar perception as a “low risk” nation that deserves greater discussion. Certainly, the country has enjoyed political stability and a vibrant economy over the past two decades.
Moreover, the South American state’s electoral system is generally regarded as transparent and fair, as exemplified by the recent clear victory of former President Michelle Bachelet.
With that said, the assumption that there is a low risk for “rebellion” (in the broad sense of the word) or major protests in Chile in 2014 is questionable.
Specifically, the country has been rocked by major protests by university students over the past couple of years, and it can be safely assumed that if Bachelet does not deliver on her campaign promises regarding educational reform, we will see a new wave of student protests.
As recently as September, between 25 to 80,000 students, depending on whose statistics you believe, protested in Santiago against the Pinochet-era educational system.
Finally, this author would argue that a growing source of instability in Chile is the Mapuches, an indigenous group that have been treated as second class citizens for decades. In August, an estimated 150 Mapuches protested in Santiago to demand an inquiry over the bizarre killing of a young Mapuche, who had been sentenced to five years in prison for arson.
The deceased’s family argues that the Chilean police was involved in his assassination.
But the situation took a turn for the worst in October when, to commemorate Columbus Day, an estimated 15,000 Mapuches marched to Santiago. The goal of the protests was to demand the return of their ancestral land, which has been exploited by the Chilean government and different industries for its natural resources.
During her presidential campaign, Bachelet promised a new kind of treatment with the Mapuches. If she fails to deliver on her promises in 2014, we will see more protests which, while they may not qualify as a “rebellion” (to use The Economist’s terminology,) will be as tragic a development as the Chilean government’s historically unfair treatment of the Mapuches.
Assuming The Worst for Instability?
As for the countries that are most likely to experience major protests in 2014, unfortunately there are valid arguments for choosing Venezuela.
The country has been polarized since the Hugo Chavez presidency, and the new president, Nicolas Maduro,routinely attacks members of the opposition, arguing that there are international conspiracies that are trying to overthrow him.
Drastic government initiatives like November’s takeover of Daka, an electronics chain, and selling TVs and refrigerators at discount prices partially calmed the population. However, issues like the early December blackout that affected several Venezuelan states (like Miranda and Zulia) as well as Caracas, would exacerbate anyone, whether  a government supporter  or not.
This is not to say that we will see a “rebellion” in Venezuela in 2014, but certainly protests are widely expected to continue unless the country’s oil-dependent economy improves.
The Economist gives reason to be optimistic for several Latin American nations while others are predicted to remain unstable in 2014.
With that said, Latin America is a land of  unpredictability (when Argentina’s Kirchner was re-elected in 2011 in what was labeled as an “easy victory”, it was hard to foresee the major protests against her government today), and even nations that appear in good standing on paper can take a sudden turn for the worst.

Blouin Beat: World - Peru’s culinary diplomacy



Peru's Culinary Diplomacy
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: World
December 23, 2013
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatworld/2013/12/23/perus-culinary-diplomacy/


The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations declared 2013 as the International Year of the Quinoa, a high-protein, grain-like crop from the Andes. Whether consumers of quinoa around the world associate this crop with Peru, a major producer of quinoa, is debatable. Nevertheless, quinoa’s widespread popularity is helping the Peruvian government expand its international presence via culinary diplomacy.
This grain-like crop originates from the Andes, and is produced by countries like Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador and Peru and now also in nations like the U.S. However, it is the Peruvian government which has carried out an (admittedly successful) international diplomatic campaign to tie the idea to the consumer that Peru is a major producer of the most flavorful and healthiest types of quinoa.
The best example of this diplomatic initiative was the U.N.’s designation of 2013 as the year of quinoa. This past February, Peru’s First Lady Nadine Heredia participated in a ceremony at the U.N.’s headquarters in New York, in which Heredia and Bolivia’s President Evo Morales received the honorary title of “special ambassadors” to promote quinoa consumption. Unsurprisingly, the Year of the Quinoa culminated with ceremonies in Puno (a region in Southern Peru) and in Bolivia in mid-December. First Lady Heredia was also in attendance, as well as Jose Graziano da Silva, the director general of the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization.
Furthermore, there have been cultural and culinary initiatives sponsored by the Peruvian government to increase the consumption of quinoa abroad and associate it with that particular Andean nation. For example, in March the Peruvian consulate in Panama organized a culinary competition in which the goal was for amateur chefs to create a fusion of traditional Panamanian food ingredients with quinoa.
As for how the quinoa is helping the Peruvian economy; the country produces 40 thousand hectares of the crop annually, and it aims to reach 50,000 by 2014. The Peruvian Ministry of External Commerce and Tourism reports the exports of Peruvian quinoa in the first half of 2013increased by 61%, compared to the same period in 2012. Milton Von Hesse, Peru’s Minister of Agriculture, declared this past September that the goal is that by 2016, Peru will have surpassed Bolivia as the world’s biggest quinoa producer.
But while Peru has grand ambitions regarding how quinoa can expand its international presence, there is more that it will have to do, not just exporting more quinoa than neighboring Bolivia. Receiving positive media articles are always a welcomed development. For example, in October, Bloomberg news agency published an article with the flattering title “How Bolivian Farmers Made the World Crave Quinoa.” The author of the article reported how he traveled to Bolivia to taste the crop, which was “bursting with flavor, and so fresh that it still had tiny bits of dirt in it, making it crunchy to eat.”
In spite of Bolivia’s current dominant role in the quinoa market, the growing international consumption of quinoa is also aiding Peru to have a greater international culinary presence. In a November 2013 Working Paper for the Argentine think tank Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales, the author of this commentary discussed Peruvian geopolitics and its prospects of becoming a regional powerhouse in Latin America. In the analysis, I suggested that Peru should embark in an aggressive “culinary diplomacy” by taking advantage of its rich agricultural resources and well-regarded traditional dishes. Capitalizing on the global craze over quinoa was a well thought-out initiative by the Peruvian government.
Finally, apart from the popular crop, Peru’s international culinary presence is also expanding via its traditional cuisine. For example, Gaston Acurio, the country’s most renowned chef, has opened several restaurants across the United States. In September, the chef opened a restaurant in theMandarin Oriental hotel in Miami. Furthermore, restaurants that offer Peruvian dishes, including the famous pollo a la brasa (roasted chicken) have appeared in several major U.S. cities, such as Washington D.C.
As the International Year of the Quinoa comes to an end, the growing consumption of Peruvian crops and dishes gives the Andean nation an important culinary momentum with which to greet 2014. Whether the Peruvian government can capitalize on it in the near future remains to be seen.

Saturday, December 21, 2013

Quoted in: Drone Use Soars in Latin America, Remains Widely Unregulated




"Drone Use Soars in Latin America, Remains Widely Unregulated"
By: Diego Cupolo
Upside Down World
December 19, 2013
Originally published: http://upsidedownworld.org/main/international-archives-60/4615-drone-use-soars-in-latin-america-remains-widely-unregulated-

Over the last decade, drones havemade headlines as tools for covert bombing campaigns in the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. Yet remote-controlled warfare is just one of many functions Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) can provide as non-lethal models become less expensive and more accessible to countries around the world.

From aerial surveillance to three-dimensional geographic modeling of rugged terrains and even speedypizza delivery service, manufacturers have begun to promote the infinite capabilities of domestic drones. At the same time, they are specifically targeting developing markets in Latin America for the martial use of drones in law enforcement and military operations.

In response, human rights groups have been raising concerns over these fast-evolving technologies, citing the potential for abuse by various state agencies. Recent advancements have allowed governments to adopt and, in some cases, begin building their own UAV fleets, but regulation on domestic drone use remains non-existent throughout the Americas aside from preliminary laws adopted in Brazil, Canada and the United States.

“The biggest concern presented by drones is they will become a tool for routine mass surveillance,” said Jay Stanley, a senior policy analyst for the American Civil Liberties Union.“Fleets of small, inexpensive self-launching drones could easily spread over a town, network together and provide comprehensive, 24-7 dragnet surveillance or a single high-flying drone could accomplish the same thing. This technology already exists. It’s called Wide Area Surveillance and it’s being used overseas by the US military.”

Stanley was speaking at a hearing organized by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights(IACHR) in November 2013 where human rights advocates examined the implications of unregulated drone use in Latin America. In the first event of its kind, speakers aimed to spark a wider debate on domestic UAVs while calling for guidelines on the inevitable swarm of flying robots that will soon fill our skies.

Rise of the Drone Market

Drones are convenient, not to mention economical. Unlike helicopters and other manned aircrafts, they require less maintenance, less fuel, and less risk to human life in potentially dangerous operations – all while drone prices drop with each passing year.

“The most basic surveillance drones are small and cost about $600 from a company in Mexico,” W. Alejandro Sanchez, senior research fellow at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), said in a phone interview. “From there, the prices get higher, but not as much as most people expect, especially when compared to the cost of a helicopter. Anyone thinking drones are financially unattainable for less developed countries hasn’t looked at the latest models.”

The falling prices are opening new markets for multi-use drones around the world. Within the next 10 years, drone spending in the U.S. is expected to reach more than $89 billion as UAVs take on more civilian tasks such as pesticide spraying for agriculture, emergency medical response and humanitarian relief, according to a Bloomberg report.

Speaking before the IACHR hearing, Santiago Canton, an Argentine lawyer and director of RFK Partners for Human Rights, listed off Latin American nations that have launched or announced plans to launch their own domestic drone programs.

“The Argentinean army has developed its own drone technology for aerial surveillance. Brazil is the country in Latin America that has the highest number of drones, both produced nationally and purchased outside the country,” Canton said. “Bolivia has only purchased drones for its air force, and it has signed an agreement with Brazil to have Brazilian drones identify coca-producing areas. Chile has sophisticated drones and they’ve bought Iranian [drones] for their borders and for surveillance throughout their country.”
In addition to the U.S., a total of 14 countries in the Western Hemisphere will soon use or develop UAVs, according to Canton. Many are doing so using Israeli drones and production techniques, as the U.S. has strict regulations on sharing military technology with foreign governments.

In recent years, Israel Aerospace Industries has sold its large, 54-foot wingspan “Heron” drones to Mexico and Ecuador, where it has branches in addition to sales offices in Brazil, Colombia, and Chile. Other Israeli drone companies have made “strategic agreements” with Brazilian aircraft manufacturer Embraer to produce drones for “monitoring of ports, agricultural, forest and coastal areas, traffic, etc.,” the Christian Science Monitor reported.
Some Latin American countries, including several Caribbean nations, have been allowed to launch U.S. drones in cooperation with U.S. military and other U.S. agencies for drug trafficking and border patrol operations, Canton said.

“In addition to joint exercises with the United States, Colombians have manufactured and purchased [drones] and used their own technologies. They use them for their borders, operations against the FARC and also for intelligence gathering,” Canton said.“Mexican Federal Police are using drones in security operations and anti-drug trafficking. Mexico City uses them for demonstrations,” he continued. “Panama uses them to monitor drug trafficking. The Peruvian army uses drones for the Apurimac area where the Sendero Luminoso [Shining Path guerrillas] operate.”

The list goes on. From Wide Area Surveillance along the U.S.-Mexico border to volcanic studies in Costa Rica and rainforest conservation programs in Belize, domestic drones are poised to play a growing role in future government and military operations. Still, Canton warns the large majority of drone usage remains under military control with no civilian oversight.

We see the chilling effect that this can have on societies,” Canton said. “When people want to have public demonstrations drones can have a chilling effect and can intimidate people from doing this.”

Follow the UAV Leader

For the time being, a treaty to regulate drone usage does not exist anywhere in the world. Lawmakers have only begun to talk about the issue and according to Sanchez, it is unrealistic to expect an international agreement anytime soon.

“Supporters of drone technology argue that the drones operate under the umbrella of the Geneva Conventions, which were signed in 1949,” Sanchez said. “That was 64 years ago, more or less, and we have to keep up with the times.”

When legislation does reach senate floors, Sanchez said he expects Latin American governments to follow U.S., Israeli and European domestic drone programs for guidelines on how to form their own UAV policies.

Yet a look inside the U.S presents a mostly grounded domestic drone market due to restrictions from the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), which prevents the majority of personal and commercial UAVs from taking flight due to the threat of mid-air collisions with manned aircrafts, among other hazards.

Still, current regulations are likely to change as the U.S. congress, acting recently under pressure from UAV industry lobbyists, ordered the FAA to speed up drone integration and draft new rules by 2015.

“There is a lot of pent up demand for this technology among police departments and federal agencies and, as the FAA loosens its rules, we can expect many police departments to begin using drones,” said Stanley of the ACLU.

At the time of publication, legislation on drone use has been introduced in 42 states over the past year and the remaining eight states have enacted legislation. Most of these laws require police to get a search warrant before deploying a drone.

“These authorizations usually impose stringent criteria and conditions on the use of drones such as a 400 foot height limit and a ban on deployment over heavily populated areas,” Stanley said.

The main gray area in U.S. domestic drone regulation is along the Mexican border, where surveillance UAVs can legally operate within 100-miles of the physical borderline, Stanley said. In this region, the U.S. government employs a drone system called “Argus,” which can simultaneously videotape a 100-square kilometer area with the ability to automatically detect and follow moving pedestrians and vehicles anywhere in the surveillance area.

“It’s not hard to figure out who somebody is from their movements and from their location and it’s not hard to imagine those movements and tracks could be logged into databases and stored for years,” Stanley said.

Some police departments have already begun experimenting with Wide Area Surveillance systems like Argus, in Philadelphia, Baltimore and Dayton, Ohio, Stanley added.

Inter-State Conflicts and the Prospect of Armed Drones

As with the U.S.-Mexican boundary, drone use along border areas throughout Latin America could easily and repeatedly provoke inter-state tensions, presenting another problem with unregulated UAV use, according to Sanchez.

“What happens if they find some FARC commanders hiding in Venezuela and [the Colombian] government says they do not have the time to organize an operation, but they have an armed drone they can send to eliminate these people,” Sanchez said. “How will that exacerbate inter-state tensions?”

Sanchez described a scenario in 2008, where Colombian troops carried out an operation inside Ecuador to assassinate Manuel Reyes, the commander of the FARC at the time. The Colombian government did not inform Quito of the operations and the move was seen as violation of Ecuador’s sovereignty, creating tensions between Ecuador and Colombia.
The same could happen with UAVs, Sanchez said. Once drones become widely established as tools for law enforcement and military operations, the probability of such incidents will only increase. The matter would be further complicated if and when Latin American governments begin deploying armed domestic drones.

“Drone technology is regarded as useful to find these guerrilla fighters and, given the controversial success of armed drones by countries like the U.S., it is only a matter of time before Latin American militaries decide to follow suit and utilize drones for search-and-destroy missions in the name of national security,” Sanchez wrote in a COHA report titled Latin America Puts Forward Mixed Picture On Use of Drones in Region.

“The US has been selling drones as this revolutionary technology that will make life easier, so it’s obvious that Latin American countries will be interested after seeing the hellfire missiles in Pakistan,” he added in a phone interview.

With surveillance drones, governments can only locate a target. They must still send helicopters full of armed soldiers to capture or eliminate the threat and this may require a high-risk military operation. Such deployments take time and planning, which may allow targets to get away.

Sanchez said there is an obvious advantage to armed drones, but raises concerns over the prospect of such technology in the hands of dictatorial governments.

“There’s definitely a need for a technology that’s both cheap and can have some really positive results, but obviously there’s a possibility this technology can be used for all the wrong reasons and, unfortunately, throughout Latin America’s history, the abuse of power [has] tend[ed] to happen quite often,” Sanchez said.

The Future is Now
Approximately 7,500 UAVs are expected to begin operating in U.S. airspace within the next five years following the introduction of new regulations, said FAA Administrator Michael Huerta at news conference in November. He added the ultimate goal of the American drone industry is to establish a global leadership that will enable the U.S. market to set standards for the industry worldwide.

Meanwhile, most Latin American countries are enjoying economic growth, which means militaries have larger budgets at their disposal to build new weapons or buy them from abroad. Security and military operations in Latin America are currently pushing global demand for drones.

“Countries like Brazil want to be known as a military power and they want to show they have a vibrant domestic military industry and they can build their own weapons and produce drone technology for sale to other countries,” Sanchez said.

Still, the proliferation of drone technology throughout the Americas is advancing more rapidly than regulations. After analyzing the future and present uses of UAVs in Latin American, the IACHR hearing convened with three recommendations to the international community.

The first two called on the U.S. to comply with international human rights principles in their use and development of armed drones around the world. The third recommendation set forth the need to “clarify and articulate” the legal obligations of states in regard to drone use, both armed and unarmed, and called for the drafting of legislation on the matter.

As time passes and falling price tags encourage more governments to employ surveillance drones, the use of armed drones will only represent the next step in the integration process, Stanley said in his closing statements.

“From their uses abroad we know that armed drones can be incredibly powerful and dangerous weapons. When domestic law enforcement officers can use force from a distance it may become too easy for them to do so,” Stanley said. “When it becomes easier to do surveillance, surveillance is used more. When it becomes easier to use force, force will be used more. We have seen this dynamic not only overseas, but also domestically with less lethal weapons such as tasers.”

While there is currently a broad consensus against armed drone use in the Americas, Stanley said exceptions have arisen. U.S. police departments have suggested arming UAVs with rubber bullets for riot control. At the same time, U.S. border patrols have proposed outfitting drones with “non-lethal weapons designed to immobilize targets of interest.”

“There is very good reason to think that once the current controversies and public spotlight on domestic drones fades away, we will see a push for drones armed with lethal weapons,” Stanley said.

Drone images from Creative Commons.

Diego Cupolo is an independent journalist, photographer and author of Seven Syrians: War Accounts From Syrian Refugees, to be released in January, 2014 by 8th House Publishing. He serves as Latin America regional editor for Global South Development Magazine. See more of his work at www.diegocupolo.com.

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