Showing posts with label nicaragua. Show all posts
Showing posts with label nicaragua. Show all posts

Sunday, June 25, 2023

International Policy Digest: What Did Iran’s Raisi Accomplish with his Latin American Tour?

"What Did Iran’s Raisi Accomplish with his Latin American Tour?"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

International Policy Digest

23 June, 2023

Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/what-did-iran-s-raisi-accomplish-with-his-latin-american-tour/

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi embarked on a Latin American tour in mid-June, visiting Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. During his visit, he held meetings with Presidents Miguel Díaz-Canel, Daniel Ortega, and Nicolás Maduro, respectively. The tour lasted five days and resulted in several agreements, although none were groundbreaking. However, considering the well-known tensions between Washington and these four governments, Washington viewed the visit with some concern. It is worth noting that this visit followed a controversial port call by two Iranian warships to Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro a few months prior.

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Friday, June 2, 2023

Expediente Abierto: "Acercamiento en materia de defensa y seguridad de China con Centroamérica y el Caribe"

 

"Acercamiento en materia de defensa y seguridad de China con Centroamérica y el Caribe"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Reporte

Expediente Abierto

31 de Mayo, 2023

Publicado:  https://www.expedienteabierto.org/acercamiento-en-materia-de-defensa-y-seguridad-de-china-con-centroamerica-y-el-caribe/

A pesar de los esfuerzos del gobierno de China por proveer armamento y equipos militares a Latinoamérica y el Caribe, la incidencia de sus acercamientos respecto al sector de seguridad y defensa es limitada. China ha transferido por medio de donaciones, tecnología y equipos para las fuerzas policiales y de seguridad pública de la región. Beijing también ha sido exitoso en establecer acuerdos de cooperación de defensa con la región, incluyendo el entrenamiento de personal militar latinoamericano en Asia. Sin embargo, países centroamericanos y caribeños no han comprado equipo militar, como también ha sido la generalidad en Latinoamérica, que prefiere adquirir sus equipos con socios más tradicionales (salvo Venezuela y Bolivia).

Tuesday, April 26, 2022

Citado en: "¿Qué opinan expertos del fallo de La Haya sobre disputa marítima entre Colombia y Nicaragua?"

 

"¿Qué opinan expertos del fallo de La Haya sobre disputa marítima entre Colombia y Nicaragua"

Por: Alejandra Arredondo, Jairo Chacon, Houston Castillo Vado

Voz de America

22 de Abril, 2022

Publicado: https://www.vozdeamerica.com/a/reacciones-encontradas-a-fallo-de-la-haya-en-disputa-entre-colombia-y-nicaragua/6540312.html 

Para el experto en temas de defensa y geopolítica basado en Washington DC Wilder Alejandro Sánchez, el veredicto es una “derrota para Colombia”, ya que estipula que el país ha violado los derechos soberanos de Nicaragua.

Tuesday, April 12, 2022

Geopolitical Monitor: "ICJ to Rule on Colombia-Nicaragua Maritime Dispute"


"ICJ to Rule on Colombia-Nicaragua Maritime Dispute"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Situation Report

Geopolitical Monitor

12 April, 2022

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/icj-to-rule-on-colombia-nicaragua-maritime-dispute/

On 21 April, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) will deliver its verdict on a case between Colombia and Nicaragua over contested waters in the Caribbean. While the possibility of inter-state war between the two countries is minimal, it is nevertheless important for this conflict to be resolved and for international law to be both respected and impartial.

The Case

The case in question concerns “Alleged Violations of Sovereign Rights and Maritime Spaces in the Caribbean Sea (Nicaragua v. Colombia).” The Court has reported that a verdict will be delivered at the Peace Palace, The Hague, at 10 AM (Netherlands time) on the aforementioned date.

Continue reading...

Friday, February 8, 2019

Defence iQ: Is heavy armour obsolete? The view from Latin America


"Is heavy armour obsolete? The view from Latin America"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez and Samuel Casey
Defence iQ
7 February, 2019
 Originally published: https://www.defenceiq.com/armoured-vehicles/articles/is-heavy-armour-obsolete-the-view-from-latin-america


Defence iQ has recently hosted the International Armored Vehicle event and one of the big takeaways was the focus on mobility and modularity for tomorrows armoured vehicles. So, we ask: “Is the tank becoming obsolete for today's battlefields?”

For the U.S, military planners will have to reconsider their procurement needs in the near future in the context of U.S. security concerns and the likelihood that urban warfare will become more common over the next decade. However, what is the view from the Latin American perspective?

Latin American nations are decommissioning outdated models and replacing them with more modern machines. For example, Brazil is undergoing a modernisation program, which includes the revitalization of M60 combat vehicles, Leopard 1A1 and M113 armoured vehicles, greatly enhancing the effectiveness of its two tank battalions. 

Furthermore, Brazil recently donated a number of tanks to Uruguay.  Future acquisitions also need to take into account regional geopolitics, the likelihood of war and the technology of armoured vehicles itself. What is the future of heavy armour in Latin America?

Lessons from recent conflicts in Latin America

The last inter-state war between two Latin American states was the short 1995 border conflict between Ecuador and Peru. Other regional conflicts in the post-World War II era were the Falklands/Malvinas war between Argentina and the United Kingdom in 1982; the 1981 border conflict between Ecuador and Peru; and the 1969 Soccer War between El Salvador and Honduras.

Meanwhile, the U.S. military’s most recent interventions in the region were in Haiti in 1994 (Operation Uphold Democracy) and in Panama in 1989 (Operation Just Cause).

While there are ongoing border disputes (e.g. Bolivia and Chile or Guyana and Venezuela) and tensions (mostly coming out of Venezuela these days), security threats in the region are generally insurgent in nature. For example, terrorist movements like Colombia’s ELN and EPL, Peru’s Shining Path, or Paraguay’s EPP; narco-cartels in Mexico; or organised gangs such as the Maras in Central America or the Primero Comando da Capital in Brazil. These entities are highly mobile and operate in isolated regions or in urban areas.

Recent Tank Acquisitions in Latin America

Latin American governments continue to acquire new (or used) platforms for their armed forces, but heavy armour is not purchased particularly often.  Some recent deals worth noting are:
  • In December 2018, the Brazilian Army completed the transfer of 25 M41C light tanks to the Uruguayan army. “Of the 25 vehicles, 15 were completely refurbished by Brazil while the remaining 10 will be used for parts. Those that will remain intact will be assigned to armoured infantry units, which currently use M24 light tanks,” Jane’s explains.
  • In 2016, Russia delivered 50 T-72B1 tanks to Nicaragua. The platforms are “an upgrade of the 1970s-era main battle tank and feature explosive reactive armour and thermal weapon sights, among other improvements.”
  • Venezuela has received a plethora of Russian weaponry over the past couple of decades, though these deals have been quite scarce in recent years due to Caracas’ financial crisis. Amongst the acquisitions are T-72 tanks, as well as infantry fighting vehicles like the BMP-3M, and an array of transport vehicles.

"Latin American governments continue to acquire new (or used) platforms for their armed forces, but heavy armour is not purchased particularly often"

As for other nations, while no other major sales have occurred, there are ongoing reports about armoured vehicles in need of modernization or replacement. For example, Chile possesses Leopard 2A4 tanks, and it will be interesting if they will be upgraded anytime soon, given that the Chilean government is replacing the famous Copper Law, which helps fund the Ministry of Defence. Meanwhile, Peru has yet to find a replacement for its old T-55 tanks, while Ecuador recently upgraded several AML and M113 A2 Plus armoured vehicles, as the country does not possess heavy armour.

As for Mexico, its fleet consists of light and medium armoured vehicles. Finally, Colombia also possesses light armoured vehicles; for example, media reports published in late January show vehicles that appear to be the EE-09 Cascavel, a 6x6 light tank, on patrol in urban areas close to the border with Venezuela.

Latin American Armoured Vehicle Requirements 

The intrastate conflict that has plagued many Latin American countries is one of the strongest drivers for defence spending.  Many countries continue to acquire new (or refurbished) platforms, such as Brazil’s new carrier Atlantico, Chile’s new Sikorsky S-70i Blackhawk helicopters, Argentina’s used AB-206 helicopters, or Mexico’s new patrol vessel Reformador. As for Peru, the Andean state has commenced the construction of a second landing platform vessel, BAP Paita. However, when it comes to heavy armour (or even medium armour) new contracts have been quite scarce in recent years.

One argument in favour of procuring heavy armour is so that nations can maintain minimal deterrence capabilities. While interstate warfare is very unlikely, it does not mean that the scenario is impossible. The Venezuelan government’s behaviour, particularly during the 2008 crisis in the Andes is an example of this ever-present possibility. Nevertheless, given the region’s current peaceful status, limited defence budgets and other security threats, it is understandable that regional governments have other priorities. Moreover, the focus for Latin American governments is the acquisition of multipurpose platforms, which can be utilized not solely for war.

This is exemplified by the new vessels the region is acquiring (or domestically manufacturing) which can be utilized for military and peaceful operations, such as combating maritime crimes (like illegal fishing) and transporting supplies to areas affected by natural disasters. Helicopters can similarly be utilized to transport medical personnel and supplies to remote areas after disasters occur, not just troops.

As for armour, personnel carriers have been recently utilized in Brazil and Peru as part of emergency and support operations to help civilian populations. It is their flexibility to have multiple uses that makes them attractive to civilian and military leaders alike. The problem with heavy armour is that it is difficult for the main battle tank to have another use other than what it was designed for. “A tank cannot carry humanitarian assistance, so it is difficult for us to convince our civilian leaders of the need to buy new ones in times of peace,” explained a Latin American military officer interviewed by the authors.

Nevertheless, when it comes to armoured vehicles, just like any other system, it is important to have a vision of the future and to carry out a cost-benefit analysis regarding weapons acquisition. In terms of life-cycle cost, it is more expensive and difficult to maintain heavy tanks that were designed in the 1950s-1970s, than to repair more modern equipment. Purchasing a tank is not a one-time payment, as this platform demands continual upgrades of its systems, armour, chassis, and weapons. This can often spiral and stakeholders become politically and financially tethered to projects making them hard to abandon. 

A great example of this is the modernization process of the M1A1 Abrams main battle tanks for the US and the Challenger 2 for the UK.  However, vehicles that were designed in the 1950s and 1960s have incredibly low survivability compared to modern assets. Even though Latin American governments may not want to upgrade their heavy armour, it may be financially advisable.

Geography is also an issue that influences the procurement of heavy weaponry. In spite of technological advances that make modern tanks able to operate in harsher conditions, it is difficult to justify the use of the main battle tank in insurgency operations. Brazilian, Colombian or Peruvian policymakers would traditionally use a combined force of infantry, light armoured vehicles and helicopters. 

As for urban warfare, light armour seems to be the norm, and, as previously mentioned, the Colombian army sent 6x6 light armoured vehicles in a routine operation through a Colombian town in late January. Light 8x8 armoured personnel carriers were also utilized in Rio de Janeiro as part of the Brazilian armed forces’ operations to combat criminal gangs in the city’s shantytowns (known as favelas). In these instances, The authors have been unable to find any incidents of explosives, such as rocket-propelled grenades, that were utilized against these platforms, however, this is an obvious concern. Theoretically heavy armoured could have been utilized in some of the wider streets though.

Lastly, we must remember that mobility has become a key requirement. If a tank is utilized in a cavalry role, it must be fast to deploy and able to pry open the enemy lines.

However, in a "rapid action response" scenarios that often faces many Latin American states, the main battle tank is unable to give commanders the ability to react to crises in remote areas with a flexible set of capabilities that can be tailored to the situation.

Similarly,  a command vehicle must be able to move about relatively unnoticed so as to not draw fire. Finally,  if a tank is used to strengthen a position, it must be tough enough and hit hard enough to win the fight. If a vehicle can’t manoeuvre because it is highly visible, or too slow to break contact then the effect is the same: your opponents locate you and bad things happen. Designing your system to be mobile enough to accomplish your mission is an absolute necessity.

Final Thoughts

Armour can be versatile, but going forward in the Latin American theatre, given the region’s clear-and-present dangers, it is difficult to make case for the acquisition of heavy armour in comparison to light platforms. Platforms with higher tactical and strategic mobility can be deployed in constrictive urban areas, or other assets that have multipurpose uses, such as personnel carriers, helicopters or ships.

Latin American countries need armoured vehicles that fit their own unique requirements. As financial and political will is often scarce, investing in new main battle tanks can be hard to justify as a more pop allocation of resources on a system that is singular in use and cannot adequately combat the most pressing threats.

While military cautions about being prepared to protect sovereignty against a country or group of countries, it rightfully remains primarily focused on more realistic security challenges, and to meet these challenges a mobile that is able to engage in non-traditional conflicts is needed.

About the Authors:
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst who focuses on geopolitical, military and cybersecurity issues. 

Samuel Casey has been an enlisted soldier in the South Carolina Army National Guard for eight years. He has his undergraduate degree in Intelligence and National Security Studies from Coastal Carolina University and works as a Contractor in Charleston, SC.

The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not reflect those of any institutions with which the author are associated.





Monday, January 7, 2019

Citado en: Bases militares: la carrera de las superpotencias por Sudamérica

"Bases militares: la carrera de las superpotencias por Sudamérica"
Por: Irene Ayuso Morillo
Publimetro - Chile
7 de Enero, 2019
Publicado Originalmente en:  https://www.publimetro.cl/cl/noticias/2019/01/07/bases-militares-rusia-eeuu-china-se-disputan-sudamerica.html

Tanto China como Rusia quieren expandir su presencia en Latinoamérica y el Caribe via temas de seguridad y defensa, lo que ha creado recelos por parte de EEUU 

El pasado viernes el presidente brasileño Jair Bolsonaro dijo estar abierto a albergar una base militar de Estados Unidos para contrarrestar la influencia de Rusia en la región. En diciembre, Rusia y Venezuela efectuaron una misión conjunta de adiestramiento en suelo venezolano que fue criticada por el secretario norteamericano de Estado, Mike Pompeo.

“La cuestión física puede ser hasta simbólica. Hoy en día, el poderío de las fuerzas armadas norteamericanas, chinas, rusas, alcanza el mundo todo independientemente de la base”, indicó y aseguró que de hecho Estados Unidos tiene intereses de esa naturaleza en “varios países suramericanos”.

Esto responde a la preocupación en los últimos meses por parte de EEUU ante la creciente influencia en el hemisferio sur de países como Rusia y China.

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, analista de seguridad y geopolítica, asegura que "Rusia y China están intentando expandir su influencia en América Latina y el Caribe, en el caso de Moscú, están intentado obtener de nuevo la presencia que tenía en estas regiones durante la época de la Unión Soviética".


-Base militar en Brasil

Los americanos le han pedido al presidente Bolsonaro tener una mayor presencia en la zona del norte de Brasil, pero por el momento dijo que podría discutir el tema "en un futuro", lo mismo que declaró en su momento el presidente argentino Mauricio Macri cuando le pidieron entre 2015 y 2016, instalar en el mediano plazo 3 bases amerianas en el país, dos en el sur y una en el norte, en Misiones, según sostiene Witker.

Desde el punto de vista histórico,  esto no es ninguna novedad: las fuerzas militares de Estados Unidos y Brasil mantuvieron la colaboración de 1941 a 1945, asociación que incluyó una base aérea cerca de Natal. El entonces presidente de Estados Unidos, Franklin Roosevelt, describió a Natal —el punto más próximo del continente americano a África— como el “Trampolín hacia la Victoria” en la Segunda Guerra Mundial porque permitía el envío de suministros a las fuerzas aliadas en África. Durante parte de la guerra, la localidad costera brasileña contaba con uno de los aeropuertos de mayor

-Base militar rusa en Venezuela 

Medios rusos señalaron recientemente que ocuparían una base aérea en una isla de La Orchila como parte de una incursión militar a largo plazo en Venezuela.

"En el caso de Rusia, se conoce muy bien las exorbirtantes venta de armas a Venezuela durante la época del ex presidente Hugo Chávez, la venta de tanques y blindados a Nicaragua, la venta de helicópteros a Perú. Además ,Rusia ya ha enviado una pequeña flota naval a Venezuela en el 2009, la primera vez que esto ocurre desde el final de la Guerra Fría. El gobierno nicaraguense por su lado , ha ceptado que tropas rusas entren regularmente al país para llevar a cabo actividades de entrenamiento con las furzas armadas de Nicaragua", evalúa Sanchez.

-El paradigma chino en la Patagonia argentina

En los últimos años, China ha mostrado un mayor interés por Latinoamérica.  "El gigante asiático está intentando vender armamento a América Latina, sin mucho éxito, pero han habido donaciones de equipo no-letal, como vehículos a Argentina y las Bahamas.  Además, China está intentado establecer y cimentar relaciones amigable sentre las fuerzas armadas de su país con la de países de Latinoamérica y el Caribe", declara el también colaborador del  Cimsec (Centro para la Seguridad Marítima Internacional, Alejandor Sanchez.

A China le interesa tener acceso en materias primas y participar en grandes obras de infraestructuras,  y en ese  sentido tuvieron  un avance muy importante en Neuquén, en la localidad Bajada del Agrio,cerca del límite con Mendoza, donde se instaló una base de investigación espacial china.  Se trata de una antena gigante, creada por el ejército chino: pesa 450 toneladas y tiene un valor de 50 millones de dólares.

Muchos diarios americanos  están preocupados por la cualidad militar que tiene para los chinos: “la base solitaria es uno de los símbolos más impactantes de la estrategia que Pekín lleva implementando desde hace tiempo para transformar América Latina”, dice el diario New York Times. 

"Para los chinos es una base estrictamente militar, porque el proyecto espacial chino es militar, no civil. Se trata de una base de Observación del Espacio Lejano, pero está construída  y provisionada por el Ejército Popular de Liberación, es todo personal militar el que está ahí, y esa base no está bajo supervisión de nadie, ni siquiera del gobierno argentino", señala Witker.
El mayor cuestionamiento y la alarma que enciende el Times es respecto al presunto espionaje chino que se hace desde la Patagonia.

“Una antena gigante es como una enorme aspiradora”, comentó Dean Cheng, quien trabajó como investigador en el Congreso estadounidense y ahora estudia la política de seguridad nacional de China. “Succiona señales, información, todo tipo de cosas”.

La creciente influencia china no solo se evidencia sobre Argentina, sino sobre otras naciones de la región, en las que ha invertido en obra pública o a las que ha concedido préstamos a cambio de participaciones en reservas de hidrocarburos. Por ejemplo, en Bolivia también están muy metidos porque tienen un acuerdo bilateral,  por el cual  los bolivianos crearon la Agencia Boliviana del Espacio y hay un satélite, íntegro hecho y manejado por los chinos, señala Witker.

Asímismo Sanchez sostiene que "tanto China como Rusia, querien expandir su presencia en Latinoamérica y el Caribe via temas de seguridad y defensa, eso no signica que alguno de estos países vaya a establcer bases militares con tanques, aviones y sofisticados sistemas de armas. Más bien están intentando expandir su influencia via ventas de armas y entrenamentos con las fuerzas de defensa de nuestra región".


 

 

Wednesday, November 28, 2018

Providence: The US and Latin America’s “Troika of Tyrann


"The US and Latin America’s “Troika of Tyranny""
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Providence
28 November 2018
Originally published: https://providencemag.com/2018/11/us-latin-america-troika-of-tyranny-john-bolton/

 
“For God will bring every deed into judgment, with every secret thing, whether good or evil.” Ecclesiastes 12:14

National Security Advisor John Bolton gave a speech in Miami in early November in which he labeled the governments of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela as Latin America’sTroika of Tyranny.” This statement is not particularly shocking as the Trump administration has routinely criticized all three governments. Tense relations with Managua and Caracas are to be expected, but utilizing this label for Havana exemplifies the Trump White House’s freeze of the Washington-Havana rapprochement that started during the Obama presidency.

The question that emerges now is: does Bolton’s speech signal a drastic change in US foreign policy toward Latin America? Or can we expect more of the same?

The Miami Speech
Bolton gave his speech at the Miami Dade College’s Freedom Tower on November 1, during which he labeled the three aforementioned states as the “troika of tyranny” of the Western Hemisphere. Followers of international affairs will make parallels between this label and the “axis of evil” term President George W. Bush utilized during his 2002 State of the Union address to describe the governments of Iran, Iraq, and North Korea.

The national security advisor stated that “this Troika of Tyranny, this triangle of terror stretching from Havana to Caracas to Managua, is the cause of immense human suffering, the impetus of enormous regional instability, and the genesis of a sordid cradle of communism in the Western Hemisphere.” He added that “we will no longer appease dictators and despots near our shores.”

As for country-specific remarks, when it comes to Venezuela Bolton demanded that the regime release political prisoners, and he called for new elections. The US official also supported new sanctions against the government, arguing that “the United States is acting against the dictator Maduro, who uses the same repressive tactics that have been employed in Cuba for decades.”

Regarding Nicaragua, the country became an international pariah due to repressive measures the Daniel Ortega administration carried out after major protests exploded in April. Hence, it comes as no surprise that Bolton demanded elections, or “the Nicaraguan regime, like Venezuela and Cuba, will feel the full weight of America’s robust sanctions regime.”

Finally, Washington aims to minimize contacts with the Cuban regime and “will only engage with the Cuban government that is willing to undertake necessary and tangible reforms.” Even more, Vox reported the US won’t allow American cash to reach Cuba’s military, security, or intelligence services.

What Is the Significance of Bolton’s Speech?
There are a number of issues worth mentioning regarding Bolton’s speech. The most important is that Bolton stopped short of openly advocating for some type of US intervention in Venezuela. As the Miami Herald reports, “Bolton said in response to questions after the speech that he doesn’t expect the US military would intervene in Venezuela. ‘I don’t see that happening,’ he said.” US politicians at all levels regularly attack the Nicolás Maduro regime and call for drastic changes. For example, on February 9 Senator Marco Rubio tweeted, “The world would support the Armed Forces in #Venezuela if they decide to protect the people & restore democracy by removing a dictator.” Hence, Bolton’s statements are not surprising. Nevertheless, it is unclear how effective additional sanctions would be given that the Maduro regime is firmly entrenched. The restraint on talking about military intervention exemplifies how undecided Washington is about how far it is willing to go to get rid of Maduro.

As for Nicaragua, the hundreds of dead civilians, with even more injured and arrested, have made the Ortega regime an international pariah. Hence, it comes as no surprise that Bolton critiqued Managua as well. Sanctions or further diplomatic pressure on Nicaragua is a valid strategy, and at one point back in June, President Ortega did flirt with the idea of calling for early elections in order to appease protesters. Nevertheless, the Nicaraguan government seems to be back in control of the country as the protests have dissipated due to the Managua’s repressive tactics. The anti-Ortega sentiment remains strong in Managua and in Washington, but it is debatable how effective sanctions would be (particularly given the fact that they have been ineffective in toppling the Maduro regime in Venezuela).

Bolton’s comments about Cuba are also noteworthy because they effectively put an end to whatever attempt at a rapprochement had commenced during the Obama presidency. Embassies in both countries reopened in 2015, and then-President Obama even met with then-President Raul Castro in 2016. But when President Trump came to power, he made it clear very quickly that he was not interested in continuing to improve bilateral ties. The mysterious attacks in 2017 that sickened US diplomas in Cuba were the perfect reason for the Trump White House to switch to a more aggressive stance vis-à-vis Cuba. Shortly after this event, The US expelled a total of 15 Cuban diplomats. If there was any hope that dialogue between the two governments could commence once again, Bolton’s speech effectively ended it.

Final Thoughts
Will Bolton’s speech have some long-term repercussions? The remarks were inflammatory and included plenty of quotable phrases and statements, but it did not represent a change of US foreign policy objectives. New sanctions are only to be expected regarding Nicaragua and Venezuela; as for Cuba, improved bilateral relations seem utopian once again.

The 2002 “Axis of Evil” speech will be forever linked to the US invasion of Iraq that took place a year later. How will the “Troika of Tyranny” remark be remembered a year from now?


Wilder Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cybersecurity issues in the Western Hemisphere. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

Monday, July 9, 2018

Providence: The Church and Nicaragua's Crisis


"The Church and Nicaragua's Crisis"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Providence: A Journal of Christianity and American Foreign Policy

9 July, 2018

Originally published: https://providencemag.com/2018/07/the-church-and-nicaragua-crisis/

“Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God.” (Matt. 5:9)

On July 1, Pope Francis prayed and called for peace in various parts of the world, including Nicaragua. While acting as a mediator and protecting protesters from the government forces’ repressive tactics, the church there has had an important role in the Central American nation’s ongoing crisis.

The Violence
Civil unrest started in Nicaragua on April 18 when the government passed (very) unpopular reforms to the country’s Social Security Institute (Instituto Nicaragüense de Seguridad Social, or INSS) that would have cut benefits to elderly pensioners by 5 percent. Protests led by university students erupted over these changes, and in response the government resorted to repressive tactics, like organizing paramilitary forces to fight protesters.

At the time of this writing, according to the local non-governmental organization the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights (ANDPH), there have been 285 deaths related to the protests against President Daniel Ortega’s government. This number is worth stressing as the Central American country has not experienced a wave of violence so extreme since the internal war in the 1970s and 1980s, during which Ortega overthrew the Somoza dynasty in 1979. Those events prompted the United States  to back the infamous counterrevolutionaries known as the Contras in an attempt to overthrow him.

While the social security law was the catalyst for the current violence, the protesters’ demands have increased to include regime change due to the head of state’s perpetuation in power. President Ortega returned to power in 2007 and was then re-elected in 2011 and 2016. Moreover, during the last election First Lady Rosario Murillo ran as her spouse’s running mate, so she is now (a very unpopular) vice president.

The author can personally attest to the protesters’ sentiment, at least regarding the Nicaraguan community in Washington, DC. Case in point, the Inter-American Dialogue, a Latin America-focused think tank in DC, held an event on June 4 about the country’s situation. The attendees carried Nicaraguan flags and during the question-and-answer section constantly talked about the impending end of the Ortega-Murillo regime: “de que se van, se van” (“they will leave yes or yes”) was mentioned more than once.

The Role of the Church
At a time when the behavior of the government and some of its forces disgusts the Nicaraguan population, the church is one of the remaining institutions that still enjoys popular support and legitimacy. Thus, the Nicaraguan church has attempted to utilize this credibility to find a peaceful solution to this crisis.
An early attempt occurred on April 28. When the protests were heating up, the church organized a massive peaceful protest in the streets of Managua. Cardinal Leopoldo Brenes even held a mass in the capital city’s cathedral. A similar peaceful demonstration took place in Matagalpa with Monsignor Rolando Álvarez at the helm.

Nevertheless, the protests and violence persisted, so the church switched tactics. In late April, Nicaragua’s Episcopal Council (Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua, or CEN) offered to act as a mediator between the government and the protesters. President Ortega accepted, reportedly stating in a letter that “we are grateful in name of the Nicaraguan families and the government for [the CEN’s] participation as mediators and witnesses to these important developments in Nicaragua.”

In spite of these meetings, the situation has unfortunately not improved as the violence continues. The general perception is that the Ortega regime wants to remain in power and is using the mediation to stall for time while using repressive and violent tactics to intimidate the population into submission. For example, a June 23 CEN press release urged President Ortega to respond to a request CEN presented to him on June 7 regarding early elections in 2019 to appease the protesters. The Nicaraguan leader has flip-flopped about this possibility.

Still, the Nicaraguan church continues its attempts to promote peace. The Nicaraguan media has reported that the aforementioned Cardinal Brenes and Monsignor Alvarez met with Pope Francis in the Vatican at the end of June, and the CEN remains committed to dialogue. The CEN is also involved in monitoring the release of protesters who were imprisoned.

Furthermore, there is footage of priests attending the protests and walking in front of the protesters to dissuade the police from violent, repressive tactics. For a religious nation, a robe-wearing priest is a very powerful image. But this is a dangerous path because it may erode the church’s current image of neutrality, and some individuals may be willing to physically attack the clergy—there have already been incidents of masked gunmen threatening priests at gunpoint.

It remains to be seen how successful the church will be as a mediator in Nicaragua, but there have been some noteworthy precedents in the region. For example, a war between Argentina and Chile almost occurred in 1978—a border dispute known as the Beagle Conflict—which was thankfully averted due to Vatican mediation (a peace treaty was signed in 1984). On the other hand, the church has called for peace and dialogue in Venezuela with little success.

Final Thoughts
Much has been written about the importance of the separation between church and state. However, there are times when the former should be involved in the affairs of the latter, as the church has the moral responsibility to stop unjust violence. For example, the Bible verse at the beginning of this essay highlights biblical support for peacemakers.

The church has pursued peacemaking in Nicaragua while in the past months protests have escalated and the Ortega government resorts to violence rather than sincere negotiation. In this crisis, Nicaragua’s Episcopal Council has emerged as a consequential actor, and hopefully its peacemaking activities will prove successful.


Wilder Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cybersecurity issues in the Western Hemisphere. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

Sunday, June 17, 2018

IPD: The Situation in Nicaragua Deteriorates

"The Situation in Nicaragua Deteriorates"
W. Alejandro Sanchez & Scott Morgan
International Policy Digest
17 June 2018
Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/2018/06/17/the-situation-in-nicaragua-deteriorates/


Once again there is a political crisis in Central America. Although there has been some justified criticism towards the government of Guatemala and how it has responded to Fuego volcano’s eruption, that is not the focal point of this commentary.

Since April 2018 there have been a series of protests that have taken place in Nicaragua, which have fallen outside the purview of most media reports as other more compelling stories, such as Syria, the G-7 summit and the North Korea-US meeting dominate the news cycles. Most of the protests have taken place outside the capital of Managua as well.

The death toll right now is reported to be at least 139 people, according to the Centro Nicaragüense de Derechos Humanos, a Nicaraguan human rights organization. What could cause such an uprising? The root cause is a decision that was made by President Daniel Ortega to amend social security benefits has morphed from student led protests into a movement bent on driving the president from office before the next scheduled elections in 2021.

To put it mildly Nicaragua is at an impasse. President Ortega is currently in his second phase of being president of the country after leading the victorious Sandinista forces in ousting the Somoza dynasty back in 1979. He ruled the country from 1979 until 1990, and returned to power in 2007; he has ruled since then after winning re-elections in 2011 and 2016. Meanwhile, his spouse, First Lady Rosario Murillo Zambrana, became Vice President of the country in the 2016 elections, bringing back memories of Somoza-style nepotism. So if there is actually a change of government in the Central American country, will it also include asking the Ortega family to kindly step away? Or will they be forced to leave via a popular revolution? In most instances those who gain power by violent moves will not always leave via the ballot box.

What is the current remedy? There is a call for an advancement of the electoral calendar – the next presidential elections are scheduled to take place in 2021 but President Ortega has apparently suggested that they could take place in 2019. It is unclear so far if this offer means that Ortega will not run then, or if he intends to run again. The obvious risk being that if somehow he wins again he will cement his grip on power, and maintain the status quo. That will not be an adequate solution for one segment of the population that is currently suffering.

The Catholic Bishops in the Country have sent letters to both President Ortega and to the political opposition and leaders of these protests offering to mediate the crisis and come up with their own proposals for how to solve it. While there has been an affirmative answer from the opposition there has yet to be a decision made by President Ortega. Some Evangelical groups have criticized the Catholics for offering to facilitate talks to end the current impasse. Nevertheless, at the time of this writing, international media has reported that the Nicaraguan government has freed around 17 young protesters thanks to mediation by the Catholic Church.

Has Nicaragua reached the breaking point where an all-out civil war erupts? It is clear that it is not at that stage yet. There is discontent with the current regime but most indications report that the situation is just at the demonstration phase. With that said, the anti-Ortega sentiment is gaining momentum. A clear example took place at an event at the Inter-American Dialogue, a well-known think tank in Washington DC, on June 4. This on-the-record meeting discussed the situation in Nicaragua, and the Nicaraguan community in the U.S. capital clearly stated their message: they want Ortega and Murillo gone (“de que se van, se van” which roughly translates “they will leave, yes or yes,” was the chant).

A resumption of hostilities could result in a new wave of refugees fleeing north towards the United States. Refugees from Central America has been a wedge issue during the last two election cycles in the United States. Unfortunately, violence is not unknown to Nicaragua, as President Ortega came to power when his Sandinista National Liberation Front overthrew President Somoza. Afterwards, the U.S., during the Reagan administration, led a not-so covert war to overthrow him. We know now well how the hearings in the U.S. Congress went during that debacle.

Could the Trump administration be forced to revisit the history of the 1980s by returning to the scene of a Cold War battlefield? Washington has other security priorities elsewhere in the world right now so it is difficult to imagine that this could happen. With that said, if the violence and repression continues, it will be important to monitor how the international community, including Washington, reacts.

The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the authors are associated.

Wednesday, May 9, 2018

CIMSEC: Taiwanese Navy Friendship Flotilla Visits Latin American and Caribbean Allies


"Taiwanese Navy Friendship Flotilla Visits Latin American and Caribbean Allies"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
"The Southern Tide"
Center for International Maritime Security
9 May, 2018
Originally published: http://cimsec.org/taiwanese-navy-friendship-flotilla-visits-latin-american-caribbean-allies/36438

Written by W. Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. It discusses the challenges regional navies face including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

“The security environment in Latin America and the Caribbean is characterized by complex, diverse, and non-traditional challenges to U.S. interests.” Admiral Kurt W. Tidd, Commander, U.S. Southern Command, before the 114th Congress Senate Armed Services Committee, 10 March 2016.

By W. Alejandro Sanchez

A three-ship training flotilla belonging to the Republic of China (ROC/Taiwan visited Central American and Caribbean states as Taipei strives to maintain close ties with regional allies. Taiwan regularly sends high-ranking defense officials and flotillas as part of goodwill initiatives in the Western Hemisphere, these initiatives will be even more important as the Dominican Republic announced at the end of April that it would sever relations with Taiwan and establish them with the People’s Republic of China.

 Friendship Flotilla 2018
Taiwan’s friendship flotilla No. 107 (Flotilla de la Amistad in Spanish), is comprised of “Pan Shi, a modern and sleek Fast Combat Support Ship, Pan Chao, an older, U.S.-designed frigate, and Kuen Wing, a more recent, French-made stealth frigate,” according to AFP. There are around 800 personnel on board in total, including an unspecified number of cadets from the ROC Naval Academy who are utilizing the voyage to learn how to operate in the high seas.
The flotilla commenced its training voyage by first visiting the Marshall Islands; while in the Western Hemisphere it visited the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. The local and Taiwanese media have covered the visit during each port call. For example, the  Nicaraguan newspaper El Nuevo Diario has noted that the last time a Taiwanese flotilla visited the Central American country was in 2016 while other outlets mentioned that this is the sixth time that such a visit has occurred.
Meanwhile the Minister of Defense of El Salvador, Munguía Payés, reportedly praised bilateral relations, stating that “the armed forces of El Salvador and of Taiwan are and will always be an important factor not only when it comes to the internal security of our respective nations but also supporters of development and guarantors of democracy.”

Taiwan, China, and Latin America
Even with recent advances in naval technology and the ability to resupply at sea, it is still necessary for vessels traveling far from their nation’s territorial waters to be allowed to dock at friendly ports and conduct exercises with friendly naval forces from other nations. The problem is that Taiwan is running out of ports in the Western Hemisphere to dock its naval platforms and engage in constructive naval initiatives with friendly forces as regional governments switch from recognizing Taipei to Beijing. As previously mentioned the DR switched at the end of April, Panama switched in 2017, while Costa Rica did the same a decade ago, in 2007. The DR’s switch is somewhat embarrassing to Taipei, as the flotilla docked in Santo Domingo in mid-April, only to have the Dominican government switch to Beijing two weeks later.

While Beijing is gaining new allies in the Western Hemisphere, Chinese naval presence in Latin America and the Caribbean is pretty limited: a destroyer Shijiazhuang and the supply ship Hongzehu visited Chile in 2009; four years later, destroyer Lanzhou and frigate Liuzhou visited Argentina in 2013. Additionally, China’s Peace Ark (866 Daishan Dao), a Type 920 hospital ship that is operated by the People’s Liberation Army Navy, has visited the Western Hemisphere as part of “Harmonious Mission 2011” and “Harmonious Mission 2015.” Nevertheless, if more regional governments recognize Beijing (and there are constant rumors about which will be the next country to do so), and as Beijing seeks to project its naval presence well past its borders, there may be a larger Chinese naval presence in the Western Hemisphere in the coming years.

The Flotilla in Context

The visit of the three-vessel Taiwanese flotilla in itself is not meaningful as Taiwan does not have bases in the Western Hemisphere, nor does Taipei have some kind of collective security-type defense treaty with regional countries. In other words, this visit does not signify that Taiwan would come to the aid of one of its regional partners, should one of them be attacked by a third party. Hence, the international media has placed the visit in the context of Taipei-Beijing and Taipei-Washington relations; for example Reuters published a piece titled “Taiwan warships drop anchor in Nicaragua amid sinking ties with China,” while the Strait Times titled its own report on the subject, “China demands halt of U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, as island stresses Central America ties with navy visit.”

Additionally, given ongoing tensions with China, there have been a number of reports about the Taiwanese Navy undergoing  a modernization process to obtain new platforms. There have been similar discussions in Washington regarding what kind of weaponry should the U.S. sell Taiwan. It is worth noting that in 2017 the Taiwanese Navy received two decommissioned Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigates but ongoing Washington-Beijing tensions seem to hint that more modern equipment (including submarine technology) could be sold to Taipei as part of ever-changing geopolitics in Asia.

While the recent visit of a Taiwanese flotilla will not affect Central American or Caribbean geopolitics, its use is more symbolic, as it demonstrates that the Asian nation strives to maintain diplomatic relations with its remaining friends in the Western Hemisphere. Taiwan’s naval diplomacy, unlike similar initiatives by other countries, is not so much about maintaining cordial defense relations, but maintaining diplomatic relations. Countries like El Salvador and Nicaragua still recognize Taiwan, but the recent loss of DR, which occurred right after the flotilla visited the country, is an example that such initiatives, defense and others, must be constant.

W. Alejandro Sanchez is a researcher who focuses on geopolitical, military and cyber security issues in the Western Hemisphere. Follow him on Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.

Tuesday, February 20, 2018

Presentation: The Moscow Connection: Latin America's relations with Russia



"The Moscow Connection: Latin America's relations with Russia"

W. Alejandro Sanchez & Nathan Davis

Forum on International Affairs

11 January, 2018
Washington, DC

Prezi publication available: http://prezi.com/kf7jhphzheaw/?utm_campaign=share&utm_medium=copy&rc=ex0share



Details

• What we'll do: Explore Latin America's relationships with Russia

• What to bring: A form of identification (driver's license, passport, student ID, government ID, etc.)

• Summary: During the Cold War, the principle and overriding concern for the United States in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) was the perceived threat of communist, and therefore Russian, influence in the region. America's "backyard" was a geopolitical and actual battlefield between the world's two superpowers and their proxies. Recently, Russia has found common cause with countries such as Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and others that desire to offset US domination both within their own countries and the region at large. Economically, Russian firms such as Rosneft and Gasprom have made inroads in the Brazilian, Argentine, and Venezuelan oil and gas markets. Politically, Russian President Vladimir Putin and his LAC counterparts have made a series of high profile state visits in recent years. After a retreat from LAC following the collapse of the Soviet Union, it now appears that Russia is again looking to spread its influence in the region. Join the Forum on International Affairs (FIA) as we dig deeper into the foreign affairs of Latin American states, and their strategies for engaging with Russia.

Questions to Consider:

1) What do LAC countries gain from closer relationships with Russia?
2) How does Russian involvement in LAC differ between countries based on country size, political regime, incumbent political party, and geographic location?
3) Given the size of its economy can Russia sustain involvement within LAC outside of the energy sector?
4) Is Russian strategy in LAC characterized by long- or short-term considerations?
5) Can Russia play a meaningful role in LAC given its power vis-a-vis the United States, China, and the European Union?

Monday, October 30, 2017

Journal: Can Governments Negotiate With Insurgents? The Latin American Experience




"Can Governments Negotiate With Insurgents? The Latin American Experience"
W. Alejandro Sanchez and Erica Illingworth
Small Wars & Insurgencies
Volume 28, 2017 - Issue 6 - P. 1014-1036
Originally Published: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09592318.2017.1374607

Please contact me if you would like a free eprint of this essay.

Abstract
In June 2016, the Colombian Government and the FARC insurgent movement signed a ceasefire agreement, which brings the two sides one step closer to putting an end to over five decades of war. Unfortunately, Latin America has a rich history of insurgent movements, particularly during the cold war era, some of which continue to operate today. Most of these movements disappeared due to military operations, though some did so via peace negotiations. This essay aims to discuss the various ends of Latin American insurgencies to answer whether, indeed, insurgents can be negotiated with.


Keywords: Latin America, insurgency, terrorism, internal conflict, cold war, FARC, ELN, Shining Path, conflict resolution, hurting stalemate

Thursday, October 12, 2017

IWP Presentation: Russia-Latin America and Caribbean Relations in 2017


You are cordially invited to a lecture on the topic of 
Russia-Latin America and Caribbean Relations in 2017 
with
Alex Sanchez
International Affairs Analyst, IWP Alumnus
Wednesday, October 11th
5:00 PM 
The Institute of World Politics
1521 16th Street NW
Washington, D.C.

About the lecture:
This presentation will discuss current relations between the Russian Federation and Latin American and Caribbean states. Apart from addressing Moscow’s relations with “the usual suspects” (e.g. Cuba and Venezuela), we will also explore initiatives with other regional states at the diplomatic, defense and economic level. We will conclude by discussing whether the Russian government currently has an overall strategy towards Latin America and the Caribbean and what new initiatives we can expect in the near future.
About the speaker:
W. Alejandro Sanchez is an international affairs analyst who focuses on geopolitical and defense issues in the Western Hemisphere. A member of the Forum on the Arms Trade, he is a regular contributor to IHS Jane's Defense Weekly, the Center for International Maritime Security, Living in Peru, among others. His analyses have appeared in journals including Small Wars and InsurgenciesDefence Studiesthe Journal of Slavic Military StudiesEuropean SecurityStudies in Conflict and Terrorismand Perspectivas. He received his B.A. from Ursinus College, his M.A. from American University, his Certificate on Caribbean Defense and Security from the National Defense University (Washington, DC) and his Certificate on International Politics from the Institute of World Politics.
The views expressed in this presentation are the sole responsibility of the presenter and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the presenter is associated.

Tuesday, October 3, 2017

TNI: Forget Venezuela, Russia Is Looking to Nicaragua

"Forget Venezuela, Russia is Looking to Nicaragua"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
The National Interest - Blogs
September 25, 2017
Originally published: http://nationalinterest.org/feature/forget-venezuela-russia-looking-nicaragua-22464

As the crisis in Venezuela continues, certain states that have supported the Maduro government may be looking for more stable partners. For the Russian Federation, its new crown jewel in the Western Hemisphere, nowadays at least, is Nicaragua.
Managua and Moscow enjoy cordial diplomatic relations, with recent high-profile meetings. Just this past September, Gustavo Porras, president of the National Assembly, met with Sergey Zheleznyak, a member of the State Duma, who was visiting the Central American state.  
Additionally, Russia has sold military platforms to Nicaragua in recent years, like fifty T-72 battle tanks last year, among other heavy platforms. While it is true that Managua has not spent billions of dollars on Russian military platforms like Venezuela, such sales help promote defense relations. In fact, Moscow’s military training center “Marshall Gregory Zhukov,” located in the headquarters of the Nicaraguan Army’s mechanized infantry brigade, opened in 2013, a move that has fortified the two countries’ defense relations beyond weapon sales. Moreover, Russia and Nicaragua may hold small-scale exercises soon, as an undetermined number of Russian airborne troops visited the country in April to discuss this possibility. President Daniel Ortega justified his government’s relations with Moscow on September 1 during the Nicaraguan military’s anniversary celebrations. He stated that upon his 2006 electoral victory, he approached Washington and Moscow for help to replace obsolete military equipment and that Russia responded.
A final example of bilateral relations is a monitoring center inNejapa, outside Managua, that Russia has constructed as part of the GLONASS satellite system. Said facilities were inaugurated in April.
As to what the future may hold for the Managua-Moscow relationship, it is important to point out that President Ortega was re-elected, again, in November 2016 for a five-year term—he’s been in power since 2007. At seventy-one years of age, it will be interesting to see what happens after his new term is over, though it is worth mentioning that First Lady Rosario Murillo is now vice president, and an Ortega dynasty may be in the making (an ironic development, considering that it was Ortega who put an end to the Somoza dynasty).
As for where Russia falls in Nicaragua’s foreign policy, in recent years President Ortega has approached various governments for aid. After all, it was not long ago that the obscure Chinese HKND Groupwas attempting to construct a transoceanic canal through Nicaragua. While it is generally assumed that said entity is somehow tied to Beijing, it is worth noting that Nicaragua has relations with Taiwan, not the People’s Republic of China.
Despite President Ortega befriending Moscow, his government also maintains relations with Washington. Case in point, on April 3 the Nicaraguan Army announced that the U.S. Coast Guard vessel,Reliance (WMEC 615), carried out naval exercises with the Nicaraguan Navy. Nevertheless, bilateral relations are currently far from cordial, as Managua expelled three U.S. diplomats in 2016.
So what benefits come from a Russia-Nicaragua relationship? Russia would gain an ally and be able to project influence past its near abroad. Decades ago, Cuba was Moscow’s closest ally in the Western Hemisphere. A decade ago, it was Venezuela. Now, Russia’s most stable and closest friend in the region is arguably Nicaragua.
As for the Nicaragua,  while its foreign policy strategy is likely influenced by the Cold War-era, Ortega-Moscow relationship, it is not his sole motivator. The president aims to remain in power (in 2015 his government passed a law allowing for indefinite re-elections) and to cement his legacy, exemplified by the transoceanic canal, which means cozying up to various global powers for aid, not just Moscow.
The great geopolitical game is a truly a game of musical chairs, and it is now Nicaragua’s turn to be Russia’s chosen one in the Western Hemisphere.
W. Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst that focuses on geopolitical and defense related affairs, with a focus on the Western Hemisphere. His analyses have appeared in numerous refereed journals including Small Wars and Insurgencies, Defence Studies, the Journal of Slavic Military Studies, European Security, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism and Perspectivas. Follow him on twitter:@W_Alex_Sanchez.