Showing posts with label france. Show all posts
Showing posts with label france. Show all posts

Monday, April 28, 2025

 

 "Thales apuesta por una futura flota híbrida y sistemas distribuidos para equipar a la Armada de los EE.UU."

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Zona Militar

27 de Abril, 2025

Publicado: https://www.zona-militar.com/2025/04/27/thales-apuesta-por-una-futura-flota-hibrida-y-sistemas-distribuidos-para-equipar-a-la-armada-de-los-ee-uu/

En la exposición Sea Air Space a principios de abril, Zona Militar mantuvo una conversación con el Contralmirante retirado de la Armada de los Estados Unidos, Anthony Lengerich, quien actualmente se desempeña como Vicepresidente de Programas Navales en Thales Defense and Security. El Contralmirante habló con ZM sobre diversos temas, como la guerra submarina distribuida, las redes de comunicaciones y datos en la era moderna de los conflictos, y las soluciones de Thales para las misiones de la Armada de EE.UU.

 "A discussion with Thales about maritime solutions, partnerships and anti-submarine warfare"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Zona Militar

27 de Abril, 2025

Published: https://www.zona-militar.com/en/2025/04/28/a-discussion-with-thales-about-maritime-solutions-partnerships-and-anti-submarine-warfare/

At the Sea Air Space expo in early April, Zona Militar had a discussion with US Navy (Ret.) Rear Admiral Anthony Lengerich, who now serves as Vice President for Naval Programs at Thales Defense and Security. The Rear Admiral spoke with ZM about various topics such as distributed undersea warfare, communications and data networks in the modern age of warfare, and Thales’ solutions to the US Navy’s missions.



Monday, March 31, 2025

The National Interest: "Europe Looks East to Central Asia"

 

 

"Europe Looks East to Central Asia"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Silk Road Rivalries

The National Interest

31 March 2025

Published: https://nationalinterest.org/blog/silk-road-rivalries/europe-looks-east-to-central-asia

 The European Union and Central Asia must continue moving engagement to the next level, from discussions and statements to actions across a broader spectrum.

The first-ever European Union (EU)-Central Asia (CA) summit will take place between April 3–4 in Samarkand, Uzbekistan. Josef Sikela, the European Union’s Commissioner for International Partnerships, recently highlighted the importance of this region, as “Central Asia is a €340 billion [$368 billion] economy that’s growing fast.” Indeed, Central Asia has great potential, and the upcoming summit will be a diplomatic milestone that could cement inter-regional trade and investment.



Thursday, June 6, 2024

The Astana Times: "Kazakhstan Partners with Netherlands and France to Tackle Water Issues"

 

"Kazakhstan Partners with Netherlands and France to Tackle Water Issues"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

The Astana Times

6 June, 2024

Originally published: https://astanatimes.com/2024/06/kazakhstan-partners-with-netherlands-and-france-to-tackle-water-issues/

Water is a precious commodity, and due to climate change, population growth, and inter-state rivalries and tensions, access to water will become even more vital in the foreseeable future. Two recent memoranda signed by the governments of Kazakhstan and the Netherlands aim to promote greater cooperation on this issue between Astana and its European partner. To efficiently address water-related environmental crises, cooperation is key.

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Thursday, March 28, 2024

Geopolitical Monitor: La Relation Spéciale: Moldova-France Relations

 

"La Relation Spéciale: Moldova-France Relations"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Situation Report

Geopolitical Monitor

 28 March, 2024

Originally published:  https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/la-relation-speciale-moldova-france-relations/

The early March signing of a defense cooperation agreement between the governments of the Republic of Moldova and France did not occur in a vacuum. Since the 2020 election of Moldovan President Maia Sandu, Chisinau-Paris relations have increased significantly. Should President Sandu be reelected in the upcoming autumn elections, we could see the strengthening of a new “special relationship” in global geopolitics.

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Monday, December 12, 2022

E-IR "Energy Security: Moldova’s Quest for New Suppliers"

 

"Energy Security: Moldova’s Quest for New Suppliers"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

e-International Relations

12 December, 2022

Originally published: https://www.e-ir.info/2022/12/12/opinion-energy-security-moldovas-quest-for-new-suppliers/

Moldovan President Maia Sandu has conducted various international visits and hosted leaders from multiple states in recent months. Due to the war in Ukraine and tense relations with Moscow, Chisinau is focused on reducing its dependency on Russian gas while simultaneously securing alternative suppliers. Hence, we are witnessing the creation of Moldova’s new energy security strategy based on energy diplomacy.

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Friday, June 24, 2022

The Nationa Interest: Can ‘Kazakhstan 2.0’ Win the Fight Against Corruption?

 

 

"Can ‘Kazakhstan 2.0’ Win the Fight Against Corruption?"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

 The Buzz

The National Interest

24 June, 2022

Originally published: https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/can-%E2%80%98kazakhstan-20%E2%80%99-win-fight-against-corruption-203173

Developments in Italy have given Kazakhstan’s government a public relations win in its fight against corruption, but problems stemming from Mukhtar Ablyazov will persist

On June 5, Kazakhstan held a referendum to end super-presidencies and limit the powers of former President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Kazakhstan, which experienced massive protests in January of this year, will hopefully be a more transparent and fair nation after the referendum. However, one thorn remains in the country’s side: Mukhtar Ablyazov.


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Friday, April 22, 2022

Shephard Media: Argentina receives final Gowind OPV


"Argentina receives final Gowind OPV"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Naval Warfare

Shephard Media

22 April, 2022

Originally published: https://www.shephardmedia.com/news/naval-warfare/argentina-receives-final-gowind-opv/

ARA Contralmirante Bartolomé Cordero will make its delivery voyage to Argentina in May 2022.

The Argentine Navy has received its fourth and final Gowind-class offshore patrol vessel (OPV) manufactured by the French shipyard Naval Group.

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Monday, April 4, 2022

International Policy Digest: "Kazakh Billionaire Mukhtar Ablyazov Suffers Setback after Setback"

"Kazakh Billionaire Mukhtar Ablyazov Suffers Setback after Setback"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

International Policy Digest

3 April, 2022

Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/kazakh-billionaire-mukhtar-ablyazov-suffers-setback-after-setback/

A Facebook page reportedly managed by or at least linked to Mukhtar Ablyazov, a Kazakh businessman and fugitive, is busy these days, routinely posting criticisms of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, several posts have also criticized the Kazakhstani government, arguing that it is helping Moscow evade sanctions.

Criticism of any government regarding their stance on the war is fair, but it is problematic when Ablyazov does it, as he is accused of embezzling around $7.5 billion from his country.

 

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Tuesday, February 4, 2020

"Between Confidentiality and Transparency: Arbitration and Arms Transfers"

"Between Confidentiality and Transparency: Arbitration and Arms Transfers"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez and Lucia Scripcari

International Policy Digest
World News
4 February 2020
Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/2020/02/04/between-confidentiality-and-transparency-arbitration-and-arms-transfers/  



The sales of military equipment is a global industry known for its high degree of secrecy. After all, armed forces do not want potential adversaries to know what kind of equipment they are buying, the technical aspects of said systems, how many systems/platforms are being acquired and other details about military equipment that could jeopardize national security. Similarly, arbitration is meant to be confidential, that is what makes this legal process more attractive to clients than going to courts of law, which will make rulings public.

A 2018 WikiLeaks dump of thousands of sensitive documents, including many from the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), provided a glimpse of the amount of money that is involved in many defense agreements, and other sensitive information that is meant to be known only by the parties involved and the arbitrators of the case.

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Friday, June 28, 2019

IPD: Africa: Arms Sales, Global Geopolitics and Security Threats

"Africa: Arms Sales, Global Geopolitics and Security Threats"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez and Scott Morgan
International Policy Digest
June 28, 2019
Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/2019/06/28/africa-arms-sales-global-geopolitics-and-security-threats/


There is plenty going on in Africa these days, such as regime change and repression in Sudan; violence and internal instability in Ethiopia; a deadly outbreak of Ebola across the Democratic Republic of Congo and beyond; never-ending violence in Somalia, just to name a few.

In this commentary, we will discuss some important developments that should be monitored more closely, particularly regarding weapons transfers and the Sahel region.

Africa’s major weapons importers
According to the most recent data provided by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), between 2009-13 and 2014-18, there was a decline in arms sales to Africa by a total of 6.5%. States in sub-Saharan Africa received 25% of the total arms shipments in the aforementioned timeframes, with the top five importers being Nigeria, Angola, Sudan, Cameroon, and Senegal. Data from the Small Arms Survey shows that in 2015 other countries that received major arms shipments include Cote d’Ivoire, Malawi, Namibia, and Uganda.

Weapons sales do not occur in a vacuum, hence it is necessary to take into account the security situation of these countries. For example, two countries (Nigeria and Cameroon) are facing insurgencies, one (Sudan) has just recently had a long-entrenched leader removed by a military faction, and a fourth (Angola) borders a country in perpetual crisis (the Democratic Republic of the Congo). Hence, we can expect these governments to increase the procurement of weaponry in the coming years in order to face ongoing security threats.


Monday, August 28, 2017

IPD: China Has a New Military Base in Djibouti. Here’s why it Matters



China Has a New Military Base in Djibouti. Here’s why it Matters

By: W. Alex Sanchez & Scott Morgan
International Policy Digest
August 11, 2017
Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/2017/08/11/china-military-base-djibouti/

The People’s Republic of China has inaugurated its first military base overseas in the Republic of Djibouti. The project further cements Beijing’s interest in the African continent, and exemplifies how the latter continues to be utilized as part of a geopolitical game of influences by global military powers.

China’s Base
Beijing has stated that the base will be utilized to monitor maritime commerce that crosses the Suez Canal and passes through the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden into the Indian Ocean. A July 11 article by Xinhua explains that “the base will ensure China’s performance of missions, such as escorting, peace-keeping and humanitarian aid in Africa and west Asia” and also it will “be conducive to overseas tasks including military cooperation, joint exercises, evacuating and protecting overseas Chinese and emergency rescue, as well as jointly maintaining security of international strategic seaways.” The base was inaugurated on 1 August and the Beijing – Djibouti deal will reportedly last until 2026.

There are certainly valid reasons for the project, as pirates off the coast of Somalia have targeted civilian vessels for years. As a response, the Europe Union created the Naval Force Operation Atalanta, to combat piracy in the Horn of Africa. Apart from European navies, countries like Colombia and China have also provided vessels to protect this important maritime route. China is particularly at risk of suffering if maritime trade through the Indian Ocean suffers, as the Asian giant imports much of its resources.

As for the facilities, they are supposed to be a port for Chinese naval platforms to dock, resupply and continue their patrolling operations. Nevertheless, the complex appears to be suited for other tasks. The renowned company Stratfor published on 26 July an assessment of the base, which included aerial photos of the facilities. The article explains how the base has an “extensive security perimeter, which features three layers of defense,” as well as “a large underground component [which] measures approximately 23,000 square meters.” Stratfor also explains that there is a “tarmac and a row of eight hangars which suggest that aircraft such as helicopters could be based there someday. However, it is unlikely that the facility will host fixed-wing aircraft because at 400 meters the tarmac is much too short to accommodate fighter jets or even larger drones.”

Indeed, China’s first base abroad should be regarded as a major, well-defended complex.

Bases-A-Plenty
To be fair, China is not the sole hemispheric power to have military facilities in the African continent. In fact, the U.S. already has a base in Djibouti: the US Naval Expeditionary Base, situated at Djibouti’s Djibouti–Ambouli International Airport, also known as Camp Lemonnier which is shared with France. France also has access to naval base of Héron; Italy has BMNS-Base Militare Nazionale di Supporto (National Support Military Base); while Japan’s defense facilities are called Deployment Airforce for Counter-Piracy Enforcement (DAPE). In other words, five nations, out of which three are nuclear powers, with Tokyo and Washington having issues (to phrase it mildly) with Beijing, have facilities in a country measuring approximately 23,200 km2.

While it is outside of this commentary’s analysis, one must wonder what is the rationale of President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh (in power since 1999 and re-elected in 2016 for a fourth term) to allow five countries, to have military deployments in his nation’s territory. One of the explanations has to be financial as the leased military bases to the five nations will add funds to the coffers of the country. Secondly these bases could discourage Eritrea from any further adventures as border issues between the neighbors escalate. Of course this also means that the quality of the Djiboutian military will improve as well as the foreign powers will probably carry out training operations with local forces.
Moreover it is worth noting, the U.S. has several other bases across the continent, known as Forward Operating Locations (FOLs) and Cooperative Security Locations (CSLs). As for France, the European nation has become very involved in Mali to combat al-Qaeda linked groups. A May 19, 2012 report by Al Jazeera highlights how Paris has “1,600 French soldiers stationed [in Mali], on the largest French military base outside of France.” Additionally, France has a base in Gabon. India, another rising global power like China, has the Indian Overseas Military Base at Assumption Island in the Seychelles. Meanwhile, the United Kingdom has British Army Training Unit in Kenya and the International Military Assistance Training Team (IMATT) in Sierra Leone. Similarly, recent reports hint at Turkey opening up training facilities in Somalia with plans announced recently to open an additional facility in said country.

Finally, it is important to note that the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are increasingly active in Africa as well. As one of the co-authors has pointed out previously, the GCC “recognize[s] that across Africa’s Muslim-majority countries a host of violent and extremist Islamic groups pose a dire threat to Arabian Peninsula security and GCC interests in Africa.” The UAE has already opened up a base in Somaliland region, and it will be interesting to see if other GCC nations take similar initiatives in the near future.

21st Century Military Geopolitics
Today, the Africa continent constitutes 54 independent nations (depending on whether to count Somalia as a single state, which is another issue). Nevertheless, while the era of colonialism is over, neo-colonialism seems to be alive and well. There are a plethora of works in recent years about how Africa continues to be taken advantage of, with very little trickling down to benefit the masses. For example, Tom Burgis’ The Looting Machine discusses the role of transnational companies that profit from Africa’s natural resources.

Moreover, various extra-hemispheric governments have increased their presence in Africa by establishing military facilities to battle specific security threats (mostly rebels, pirates or terrorist movements) but which have the added bonus of creating strong defense-related bonds between the host country and the outside power. The United States, by far, has the biggest military presence in Africa in terms of number of bases as well as personnel (though figuring out an exact number is tricky given the secrecy of these deployments). However former colonial powers like France, Italy and the UK, as well as non-Western states like India, Japan, Turkey and GCC states also have defense roles in the region. Hence, it should not be a surprise that China is establishing a base in Africa, as Beijing is simply following a pattern established by several other nations.

With that said, there is the obvious concern about how the ongoing mistrust and animosity between Washington and Beijing will play out in Djibouti. Will the facilities of both nations manage to co-exist peacefully as they are there, at least theoretically, to face common security threats?


The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect any institutions with which the authors are associated.

Thursday, December 8, 2016

CIMSEC: The Status of Brazil's Ambitious PROSUB Program


"The Status of Brazil's Ambitious PROSUB Program"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Center for International Maritime Security
The Southern Tide
November 22, 2016
Originally published: http://cimsec.org/status-brazils-grand-prosub-program/29505

Written by Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. It discusses the challenges regional navies face including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

“The security environment in Latin America and the Caribbean is characterized by complex, diverse, and non-traditional challenges to U.S. interests.” Admiral Kurt W. Tidd, Commander, U.S. Southern Command, before the 114thCongress Senate Armed Services Committee, 10 March 2016.
By W. Alejandro Sanchez
In spite of Brazil’s political crisis, the Brazilian Navy has continued with its ambitious project of domestically constructing a new fleet of submarines, including a nuclear-powered platform. The first Scorpène-class submarine is expected to be launched in 2018, an important development though a couple of years behind schedule. However, the question remains: does Brazil require today, or will it require in the foreseeable future, an advanced submarine fleet?
The PROSUB Program
A 2009 contract between the Brazilian Navy and French conglomerate DCNS “covers the design, production, and technology transfer required for four Scorpène-class conventional submarines, and the design assistance and production of the non-nuclear part of the first Brazilian nuclear powered submarine, including support for construction of a naval base and a naval construction site.” This contract was the result of a defense agreement signed in 2008 by then-Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and his French counterpart, then-President Nikolas Sarkozy. This project is known as the Submarine Development Program (Programa de Desarrollo de Submarinos; PROSUB).
At the time of this writing, SBR-1 Riachuelo (S-40) is nearing completion as it is expected to be launched in 2018 and delivered to the Navy in 2020. The next submarine, SBR-2Humaitá, will be launched in 2020, while SBR-3 Tonelero (S-42) and SBR-4 Angostura (S-43) are scheduled to be completed by the early 2020s.
It is worth stressing that the Brazilian Navy is particularly interested in learning how to manufacture the submarines domestically, rather than relying on DCNS to construct and assemble the submarines abroad. For example, in July, the Brazilian company Nuclebras Heavy Equipment (Nuclebrás Equipamentos Pesados; NUCLEP) delivered the stern section of Humaitá to Itaguaí Construções Navais (ICN) which is assembling the platform in Rio de Janeiro. According to IHS Jane’s Defense Weekly, “the submarine’s hull has been divided into five sections and to date … four sections of SBR 2 [have been delivered]. The final one is scheduled to be delivered in November.”
As for the nuclear submarine SN-BR Alvaro Alberto (SN-10),the Brazilian Navy’s PROSUB webpage reports that it is still in the developmental phase and that actual construction will commence in 2017 and be completed by 2025. “The transfer [of the submarine] to the Navy is expected to take in 2027,” the Navy explains.
A word should be said about the status of the shipyard, also part of PROSUB, since the Navy wants the capacity to construct more of these platforms in the future. To this end, a 750,000 square meter complex is under construction in the municipality of Itaguaí (Rio de Janeiro). In 2013, the Metal Structures Manufacturing Unit (Unidade de Fabricação de Estruturas Metálicas; UFEM) was inaugurated, with then-President Dilma Rousseff in attendance. Among other tasks, UFEM will manufacture the metal hull structures of the platforms.
The DCNS and Other Issues
It is necessary to highlight that the construction of these platforms has not been a smooth ride. A 1 March 2013 article by Reuters reported that “the first conventional submarine [will be completed] in 2015 and the nuclear-powered submarine will be commissioned in 2023 and enter operation in 2025, the Brazilian Navy said in a statement.” The timetable was perhaps too ambitious as the first submarine Riachuelo is now scheduled to be launched in 2018, three years later than originally reported. Similarly, the nuclear platform is now expected to be ready by 2025, not 2023. Part of the reason for the delay has to do with the country’s recent economic crisis which has affected the budget of governmental agencies, including defense.
Due to space considerations, we cannot provide a full account of Brazil’s political crisis over the past year with regards to theLava Jato revelations. Nevertheless, it is important to note that the Brazilian conglomerate Odebrecht, which is involved in PROSUB via its ICN unit, has been implicated in the scandal.(Ret.) Admiral Othon Luiz Pinheiro da Silva, considered the father of Brazil’s nuclear program and a major supporter of the nuclear submarine (see his biography in Togzhan Kassenova’s commentary Turbulent Times for Brazil’s Nuclear Projects) has also been implicated in illicit activities. He was sentenced to 43 years in prison this past August for corruption and money-laundering. While PROSUB itself has survived the recent crises, these scandals raise the question whether there will be new allegations of illegal activities surrounding the construction of these platforms in the near future.
The other problem with PROSUB is that sensitive information about the Scorpène-class subs may be out in the open as DCNS has suffered a massive intelligence leak. This past August, the Australian daily The Australian published documents which “detail the secret combat capability of six Scorpène-class submarines that French shipbuilder DCNS has designed for the Indian Navy.” According to reports, the DCNS leak includes more than 22,000 pages about the Indian platforms.
Regarding this incident, Brazilian Rear Admiral Flavio Augusto Viana published a letter stating that “the Brazilian submarines were designed along specifications made by the Brazilian Navy, which means that there are differences between our submarines and those of other countries.” Therefore, the Brazilian Navy, “does not foresee any impact on the construction of the SBR.” The author is not qualified to compare the Brazilian and Indian Scorpène-class subs, however it is likely that there are some general similarities between the two models.
At this point it is worth remembering the words of Admiral Eduardo Leal Ferreira, commander of the Brazilian Navy, who spoke at a recent 26 September event entitled “Addressing Challenges in the Maritime Commons” at the National Bureau of Asian Research. An article written by the author for IHS Jane’s Defense, quotes Admiral Ferreira stating that the PROSUB program is the Navy’s main priority, followed by upgrading the fleet’s frigates, and then repairing the Sao Paulo(A-12) carrier. In other words, PROSUB, in spite of delays, budget issues and other incidents, will continue.
Discussion
Given that PROSUB is well underway and by next decade we will see a modern, domestically constructed, Brazilian submarine flee. The question is: why does Brazil need these platforms?
The standard reason is for Brazil to monitor and protect its 7,500 kilometers of coastline and vast maritime territory, including its natural resources (the discovery of underwater oil reserves is an often-mentioned fact), from domestic and foreign threats. In his remarks for NBAR, Admiral Ferreira added that the Atlantic Ocean is an open ocean, not a closed sea, so Brazil requires a blue water navy, hence the importance of the submarine and aircraft carrier program. The admiral also highlighted the necessity to have freedom of navigation, implying a blue water navy is necessary, “so when there are problems in the South China Sea or the East China Sea or wherever, we won’t be affected.”
This author argues that Brazil does not have any major inter-state issues that would make the submarines, a platform suitable for conventional warfare, necessary. The reality of South American geopolitics is that Brazil’s relations with its 10 neighbors, including one-time competitor Argentina, remain quite cordial. Hence, the possibility that a regional state would attempt to aggressively take control of part of Brazil’s exclusive economy zone is too remote to realistically contemplate.
Additionally, while Brazil has pursued the submarine program (among other platform acquisition projects), this has not sparked a regional arms race for fear of an “imperialist” Brasilia trying to take over a neighbor’s territory. In other words, regional states do not appear threatened by Brazil’s PROSUB program, highlighting the current status of regional geopolitics and the general success of confidence building mechanisms (for example Brazil has a constant presence in regional military exercises, such as hosting UNITAS Brasil 2015 and serving as the deputy commander for PANAMAX 2016 – Multi-National Forces-South), which make the possibility of inter-state warfare remote in this region.
Likewise, there is little chance that an extra-regional power will deploy a fleet to Brazilian waters a la Spanish Armada to take over its oil platforms. While it is true that the U.S. did send a fleet, led by the USS Forrestal, to support Brazil’s military coup in 1964, bilateral, regional and global geopolitics are not the same as five decades ago.
Without a doubt, Brazil deserves a well-equipped and modern navy that can address its 21st century challenges, protecting its maritime territory, particularly the offshore oil platforms, and cracking down on maritime crimes like drug trafficking (or other types of smuggling) or illegal fishing. However, this author argues that submarines are hardly the appropriate platforms for these tasks. A fleet of oceanic patrol vessels (OPVs) along with a robust air wing would be more suitable for coastal and oceanic patrol, including the interdiction of suspicious vessels.
Final Thoughts
In his September remarks at NBAR, Admiral Ferreira explained the need for Brazil to possess a blue water Navy in case of a hypothetical armed conflict in the South or East China Seas. This author has not found a direct correlation between the two issues: if an incident took place, would Brazil need to deploy its platforms to the open seas in defense of freedom of navigation? While the Admiral’s statement is not clear, the wider goal is to obviously increase the power projection of the Brazilian Navy by making it a blue water navy. This explains PROSUB’s priority, as this will be a major source of pride regarding the country’s naval capabilities, including the ability to manufacture these platforms.
Additionally, Admiral Ferreira highlighted that the Brazilian Navy is a dual-purpose navy as “we are not just a war-fighting Navy like the U.S., we have other collateral tasks, we are coast guard, we are maritime authority for safety of the sea [and] we have lots of tasks in the Amazon basin.” Indeed, the Brazilian Navy has a variety of tasks. However, the question remains if a fleet of four Scorpène-class submarines and one nuclear-powered submarine are the ideal platforms to carry out these duties when OPVs and frigate-type platforms (which the Navy is upgrading) are more suitable for these tasks.
Alejandro Sanchez Nieto is a researcher who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cyber security issues in the Western Hemisphere. Follow him on Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.
The views presented in this essay are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

Tuesday, August 9, 2016

Living in Peru: Peru’s new satellite to launch in September

"Peru's new Satellite to launch in September"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
August 9, 2016
Living in Peru - Opinion
Originally published: http://www.peruthisweek.com/blogs-perus-new-satellite-to-launch-in-september-110151

Peru’s new satellite is scheduled to be launched from the European spaceport in Kourou, French Guyana, in mid-September. PeruSat-1, the name of the satellite, will be the new crown jewel of the Peruvian space program led by the National Commission for Aerospace Research and Development (Comisión Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Aeroespacial; CONIDA).
In 2014 the Peruvian and French governments signed an agreement for the construction of PeruSat-1. The satellite was manufactured by Airbus Defense and Space, based on theAstroBus-S platform. A March 2015 press release by the aerospace company explains how “PeruSat-1 is also the first programme run by the Projects Factory, a new and more integrated working organisation in the Space System business unit. This new way of working brings down development and construction lead times for satellites up to 500 kg and optimises their costs, without impacting quality in any way.”
The satellite was constructed at the Airbus facilities in Toulouse, France. Peruvian scientists and officers have regularly travelled to the French city to supervise the construction as well as to receive training on how to operate the satellite.
CONIDA has constructed a new facility to control PeruSat-1, called the National Center for Satellite Imagery Operations (Centro Nacional de Operaciones de Imágenes Satelitales; CNOIS). The facilities occupy 15 hectares and are located in Punta Lobos, south of Lima.
According to the Peruvian media, PeruSat-1 will be utilized for various activities, such as monitoring weather patterns, which will help Peru’s agro-industry and to address natural disasters. Additionally, the satellite will help with internal security, as it can be utilized for border surveillance as well as to combat illicit activities like illegal mining or illegal logging.
When the deal was first announced in 2014, it attracted a fair amount of politically-influenced criticism against the then Ollanta Humala-administration. The main argument was that the satellite was too expensive (it reportedly cost USD$213 million), and CONIDA could have gotten obtained two smaller satellites for the same amount. It is the opinion of this author that the Humala government was correct in acquiring one heavy (it reportedly weights over 300kg) satellite, which will be the cornerstone of the country’s space program for the immediate future.
CONIDA has been busy in recent years as, apart from the satellite, it successfully carries out other projects. In 2013 the center launched its first rocket built domestically. The Paulet 1-B reportedly managed to travel vertically 15km. Additionally, CONIDA has organized workshops on the issue of satellites for defense. For example in 2015, the agency hosted a seminar for members of the Peruvian armed forces, entitled “Optical Satellite Imagery and Defense.”
CONIDA was established in June 1974 by the military government of General Juan Velasco Alvarado. Its staff is compromised of Peruvian scientists, technicians and members of the military (particularly the Air Force). Its headquarters are located in San Isidro, downtown Lima, and it also has the aforementioned testing center and future CNOIS base called Punta Lobos in Pucusana, south of Lima. CONIDA’s current director is Air Force General Carlos Rodríguez Pajares.
While expensive, PeruSat-1 is a major accomplishment for the Peruvian space program which needed to take the next leap forward in order to have a bigger presence in spatial affairs and to carry out more projects for the benefit of Peruvian society. In five years time Peru will celebrate its bicentennial independence anniversary, and it should welcome this milestone by having the Peruvian flag proudly displayed both in Earth and space.

Thursday, January 14, 2016

Blouin Beat: ‘Colony:’ Dystopian show portrays all too familiar repression


'Colony:' Dystopian show portrays all too familiar repression
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: Politics
January 12, 2016
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatpolitics/2016/01/12/colony-dystopian-show-portrays-all-too-familiar-repression/

In addition to periodic coverage of geopolitics in Latin America, W. Alejandro Sanchez has previously reported on substance abuse in Netflix’s ‘Jessica Jones’ and whether cyber warfare is accurately depicted in the USA network’s ‘Mr. Robot.’  Note that this analysis contains spoilers of ‘Colony’s’ pilot episode.
O
n January 14, the USA Network will premiere ‘Colony.’ Set in a dystopian future, the new show includes family drama, insurgent movements, aliens, and a population that lives under an oppressive, “Big Brother”-type proxy-regime. While there are plenty of movies that deal with the aforementioned issues in one combination or another, the pilot episode suggests that ‘Colony’ will be based on realistic scenarios (except for the aliens that is). And for individuals across the world that have lived under an oppressive regime, some of the scenes and stories will feel very real.

A brief summary of the show’s premise is necessary: In the near future aliens arrive, and they construct a gigantic wall across Los Angeles and nearby metropolitan areas, leaving the city’s inhabitants isolated from the rest of the world. There is no Internet or television and people living inside the wall do not know what is going on beyond it, including the fate of their loved ones who are on the other side. The invading force has set up a proxy regime in the controlled areas, with human proxy governors and an internal security force, known for their big guns and black and red uniforms. A group of civilians have organized an insurgent movement, led by a mysterious figure called “Geronimo,” which is fighting the proxy regime.
In a behind-the-scenes special, ‘Colony: Behind The Wall,’ the creators of ‘Colony’ explained that they utilized Nazi-occupied France as a source of inspiration. By way of example, the special shows a photo of Parisians having coffee while a Nazi soldier in uniform sits one table away reading a newspaper. This can be compared to a scene in the pilot where an individual is grabbed by the regime’s security forces and taken away in a van – this in broad daylight while the victim sat in the patio of a cafe, and the other customers and pedestrians remained silent and still. The ways in which people adapt and try to live a “normal” life during an occupation is a major focus of the series.
Alien overlords notwithstanding, the show’s themes are true to life. For example, the citizens of occupied Los Angeles live under a complete media blackout, with no television, Internet, or other ways to know what is going on beyond the wall. The citizens of North Korea or Turkmenistan would undoubtedly relate well to this situation. As for the people in ‘Colony’ that are abducted from the streets, never to heard from again (in the show they go to a mysterious place known as “The Factory”), this situation can be compared to the disappeared (desaparecidos) of Argentina’s “Dirty War” or the Augusto Pinochet regime in Chile.
Another realistic theme comes in the questionable tactics used by the resistance against the proxy regime. While the (illegal?) government is feared in Los Angeles, the “resistance” is not liked by the repressed masses either. In one scene, a man complains that the resistance blew up a bomb that injured many people, including civilians – in other words, the tactics utilized by “Geronimo” and his followers do not necessarily help them gain supporters. A similar situation has occurred in Latin America. For example, the terrorist movements Shining Path and MRTA gained many followers among the impoverished Peruvian masses in the early 1980s because they were fighting against the historically corrupt and centrist government in Lima. Nevertheless, Peruvians quickly turned against Shining Path and the MRTA due to their violent operations, which included car bombs in the major cities and the massacre of peasants in rural areas.
Finally, ‘Colony’ touches on the issue of collaborators – in the pilot Will Bowman (Josh Holloway) becomes an informant for the proxy regime in exchange for a promise from its leader, Proxy Snyder (Peter Jacobson), that he will help Bowman find his missing son. The pilot also showcases the luxurious lifestyle of the people that cooperate with the proxy regime. In any state ruled by a repressive government, there are inevitably individuals among the general population who cooperate with the regime, particularly with the intelligence/security forces, in exchange for protection, money or some other kind of benefit. For example, the regimes in Pyongyang and Ashgabat nowadays, or in East Germany during the time of the infamous Stasi, rely on people spying on their neighbors to identify dissidents.
The aliens may give ‘Colony’ a sci-fi edge, but its sobering themes, notably life under a repressive occupational government, echo situations that are all-too real and relatable to many around the world.

Thursday, June 4, 2015

Blouin: World: Brazil eyes open seas with new carrier


"Brazil eyes open seas with new carrier"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: World
June 4, 2015
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatworld/2015/06/04/brazil-eyes-open-seas-with-new-carrier/


Without a doubt, a prime example of obscure Latin American military hardware has to be the Sao Paulo (A-12), Brazil’s carrier. The vessel originally served in the French Navy under the name Foch from 1960 until 2000, when it was acquired by the Brazilians. The Clemencau-type carrier can hold “up to 37 fixed-wing aircraft” in addition to helicopters.
That’s correct: Brazil has a carrier in its navy, but the vessel appears to have spent more time in a dock being repaired than in the open seas flying the Brazilian flag. However, luck may be finally changing for the aging vessel. The Brazilian Navy is renovating the carrier in order to extend its operational life – a measure spurred in large part by the Texas-based company, Zentech.
In early May, Zentech was contracted to aid in the carrier’s repair, including “the creation of 3D models to accurately map the results of the vessel’s hull gauging for further detailed analytical work, and ultimately providing recommendations regarding steel replacement.” According toZentech’s website, it has signed a five-year maintenance support program with Brazil. Another company contracted to repair the carrier is the French shipbuilding company DCNS, which was hired a couple of years ago to inspect the carrier’s forward catapult.
The Brazilian Navy is focused on maintaining the carrier as its flagship, and its current goal is to expand the Sao Paulo’s operational life until the mid-2020s, when a new carrier will be acquired. In recent years, there have been numerous reports about Brazil’s next carrier (the third in the country’s history), many of which hint that Brasilia may obtain a carrier from the aforementionedDCNS, dubbed Project PA2. This would be a logical decision as the Brazilian Navy has developed a close relationship with France, best exemplified by the French assisting in the construction of Brazil’s nuclear-powered submarine.
That said, the remaining question is evident — what does Brazil needs a carrier for? The usual argument by Brazilian defense officials is that the country’s navy needs a strong fleet (led by a carrier and/or a nuclear-powered submarine) in order to protect the country’s maritime resources, particularly its off-shore oil fields. But the problem with this argument is that it is difficult to imagine any Latin American country posing a plausible national security threat to Brazil in the immediate future.
Another possibility is that once the Sao Paulo is operational again, it may be deployed to participate in multinational operations overseas. This would not only add pedigree to the Brazilian Navy but also put the carrier to good use.
This is not a far-fetched scenario as, at the time of this writing, the Spanish-based defense news agency Infodefensa.com has reported that the Chilean Navy could send a warship to the Horn of Africa to help the European Union Naval Force’s Operation Atalanta. Its objective is to crack down on piracy off the coast of Somalia. The author of this analysis has not been able to find other sources that confirm this rumor; nevertheless, the idea that a Latin American warship could operate off the African coast is an intriguing scenario.
When the Sao Paulo is up and running, the Brazilian Navy will need a clear plan of how it is going to be utilized for the decade or so that will remain of its operational life. Here, deploying the vessel on multinational operations to combat transnational crimes is a valid option that merits further discussion. But for now, we will have to wait and see how the Brazilian Navy, along with companies like France’s DCNS and the recently hired Zentech, advance in repairing the Sao Paulo for its final tour of duty.