Showing posts with label human rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label human rights. Show all posts

Sunday, April 26, 2026

The National Interest: "Why Azerbaijan and Iran Stepped Away from Confrontation"

 

 

"Why Azerbaijan and Iran Stepped Away from Confrontation"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Silk Road Rivalries

The National Interest

25 April, 2026

Published: https://nationalinterest.org/blog/silk-road-rivalries/why-azerbaijan-and-iran-stepped-away-from-confrontation 

 

The presence of a large Azerbaijani community in Iran may have defused tensions between Baku and Tehran.

Whatever the future of the current war and Iran will be, the country’s neighbors will have to deal with the consequences and aftermath of this new conflict. One country that has a complex relationship with the Islamic Republic is the Republic of Azerbaijan.

When the war commenced, several analyses expressed concern that the conflict would spill over into the Caucasus and affect the already fragile relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. So far, this has not occurred as both Yerevan and Baku want to remain neutral.

Wednesday, December 3, 2025

NE Global "Mining in Iran: A problem that affects the oppressed Azerbaijani population"

 


 

"Mining in Iran: A problem that affects the oppressed Azerbaijani population"

Wilder Alejandro

NE Global

3 December, 2025

Published: https://www.neglobal.eu/mining-in-iran-a-problem-that-affects-the-oppressed-azerbaijani-population/

Two noteworthy events took place between late October and November. In late October, the head of the Iran Mine House, Mohammad Reza Bahraman, said, “Iran requires about €55 billion (around $59 billion) in new investment to achieve its planned 13 percent growth target for the mining sector.” Meanwhile, from 10-21 November, the COP30 climate change conference took place in Belém, Brazil.

The two events are obviously interlinked. The global demand for minerals is ever-growing, with rare earth elements and critical minerals being the latest obsession due to their widespread use in new technologies. However, mining is a very polluting and destructive industry. More environmentally friendly mining methods are being developed, but they are not yet widely implemented. Unsurprisingly, mining is closely linked to environmental destruction, and this extractive activity contributes to greenhouse gas emissions through methane releases

 

 

 

 

Thursday, March 13, 2025

Modern Diplomacy: "Washington, Tehran, and Iran’s “Second Class Citizens”"

 



"Washington, Tehran, and Iran’s “Second Class Citizens”"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Modern Diplomacy

13 March 2025

Published: https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2025/03/13/washington-tehran-and-irans-second-class-citizens/

The Iranian government is well-known for its repressive policies against its population, best exemplified by the state’s violent response to the nationwide protests after the death of Mahsa Amini. While the 2024 election of President Masoud Pezeshkian generated hope for tolerance, Tehran passed last December a new draconian law against women and girls. The situation is worse for the country’s non-Fars ethnic populations like Azerbaijani Turks, Kurds, and Baloch.



Sunday, March 9, 2025

The Geopolitics: "Arrested British Brings Spotlight to Iranian Arbitrary Imprisonment and Executions"

 


"Arrested British Brings Spotlight to Iranian Arbitrary Imprisonment and Executions"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

The Geopolitics

3 March, 2025

Published: https://thegeopolitics.com/arrested-british-brings-spotlight-to-iranian-arbitrary-imprisonment-and-executions/

Two British citizens, Craig and Lindsay Foreman, have been detained by Iranian authorities, which accuses them of being spies. Unless released, the couple could spend years in jail and even face the death penalty – Iran executed around 901 individuals in 2024 alone, according to the United Nations.

While the arrest of the two British citizens could cause a diplomatic incident between London and Tehran, it will, hopefully, bring attention to Iran’s very unfair and severely biased “justice” system. Foreigners are regarded with suspicion and distrust by authorities, but the same attitude is applied to the general population, and particularly to non-Fars citizens, such as Azerbaijani Turks & Kurds, or members of religions other than Shia, like the Baháʼí Faith.  One of the forms of pressure applied against thousands of political prisoners arrested and currently in detention centers and prisons is  access to basic human rights necessities like adequate medical care or the possibility to contact family members.


Thursday, February 20, 2025

Modern Diplomacy: "The Moldovan Military: Modernization, Education and Peacekeeping"

 


 

"The Moldovan Military: Modernization, Education and Peacekeeping"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Defense

Mondern Diplomacy

20 February 2025

Published: https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2025/02/20/the-moldovan-military-modernization-education-and-peacekeeping/

Despite its limited budget, the Moldovan military is undergoing a modernization process by focusing on acquiring critical platforms & systems and increasing the troops’ professionalism.


Wednesday, February 5, 2025

The Diplomatic Courier: "Understanding Iran’s oppressive policies against Azerbaijani Turks"

 


 

"Understanding Iran’s oppressive policies against Azerbaijani Turks"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

The Diplomatic Courier

5 February, 2025

Published: https://www.diplomaticourier.com/posts/irans-oppressive-policies-against-azerbaijani-turks

Azerbaijani Turks in Iran endure discrimination and cultural oppression. Changes in Tehran have not improved the situation, and the future looks grim, writes Wilder Alejandro Sánchez.

 

Tuesday, August 15, 2023

E-International Relations: "Environmental Loss and Repression in Iran"

 

 

"Environmental Loss and Repression in Iran"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

E-International Relations

15 August, 2023

Originally published: https://www.e-ir.info/2023/08/15/opinion-environmental-loss-and-repression-in-iran/

Iran’s environmental problems have been well-documented: pollution, unhealthy air quality across major urban areas, the drying up of lakes, and deforestation. An important aspect to remember is that several of these environmental problems affect the country’s Azerbaijani population, which has been historically harassed and oppressed by Tehran. Environmental challenges in Northern Iran add extra woes and suffering to an ill-treated community.

Continue reading... 

Sunday, June 25, 2023

International Policy Digest: What Did Iran’s Raisi Accomplish with his Latin American Tour?

"What Did Iran’s Raisi Accomplish with his Latin American Tour?"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

International Policy Digest

23 June, 2023

Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/what-did-iran-s-raisi-accomplish-with-his-latin-american-tour/

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi embarked on a Latin American tour in mid-June, visiting Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. During his visit, he held meetings with Presidents Miguel Díaz-Canel, Daniel Ortega, and Nicolás Maduro, respectively. The tour lasted five days and resulted in several agreements, although none were groundbreaking. However, considering the well-known tensions between Washington and these four governments, Washington viewed the visit with some concern. It is worth noting that this visit followed a controversial port call by two Iranian warships to Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro a few months prior.

 Continue reading...

Thursday, July 15, 2021

E-IR: The ICC and Non-State Actors in the Xinjiang Crisis

 


"The ICC and Non-State Actors in the Xinjiang Crisis"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

E-International Relations

15 July, 2021

Originally published: https://www.e-ir.info/2021/07/15/opinion-the-icc-and-non-state-actors-in-the-xinjiang-crisis/

 As the humanitarian crisis continues in Xinjiang, the East Turkestan government-in-exile (ETGE) has delivered new evidence to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to demonstrate said international judicial body’s jurisdiction. Without a doubt, the international community, particularly global and regional powers, has a critical role to play in stopping the egregious human rights abuses that have occurred for several years against various ethnic groups in this region, including atrocities committed against the Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and ethnic Kyrgyz. However, in light of the inaction by many key governments, the East Turkestan government-in-exile and activists are turning to non-state actors, like the ICC and private corporations, to pressure Beijing to end its repressive policies.

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Friday, February 19, 2021

Geopolitical Monitor: What Can Biden Do about the Uyghur Genocide?

 

"What Can Biden Do about the Uyghur Genocide?"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

Geopolitical Monitor

19 February, 2021

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/what-can-the-biden-administration-do-about-human-rights-violations-in-xinjiang/

 Among the many foreign policy issues that the new Joseph Biden administration has to address, the ongoing violation of the human rights of hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs in Xinjiang (East Turkistan), will have to be a top priority. The US government has a complex and complicated relationship with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and the situation will not improve as long as the Chinese government continues its repression of Uyghurs, and other minorities.

 Governments make their moves

The adjectives used by US authorities to describe the situation have become particularly grave in the first couple of months of the new year. Case in point, on his last day in office, then-US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo used the term “genocide” to describe what is happening in Xinjiang/East Turkistan. “China is committing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, China, targeting Uighur Muslims and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups,” the now former senior official said in a 19 January tweet.


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Monday, October 19, 2020

The Diplomat: In New York, Protesters Mark ‘Global Day of Action’ Against the CCP

 

"In New York, Protesters Mark ‘Global Day of Action’ Against the CC"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

The Debate

The Diplomat

October 19, 2020

Originally published: https://thediplomat.com/2020/10/in-new-york-protesters-mark-global-day-of-action-against-the-ccp/

 

 Protests took place in major cities across the world on October 1 – China’s National Day – to highlight the repressive activities of the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) against various communities that live under its rule. I covered the protests that took place in New York City as part of the “Global Day of Action,” where roughly 150 people gathered in front of the United Nations headquarters to make their voices heard.

 

 

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Thursday, September 24, 2020

Geopolitical Monitor: The Mulan Scandal and China’s Central Asia Problem

"The Mulan Scandal and China’s Central Asia Problem"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Opinion

Geopolitical Monitor

24 September, 2020

Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/the-mulan-scandal-and-chinas-central-asia-problem/

The scandal surrounding the remake of the Disney movie Mulan has again drawn international attention to the egregious human rights violations of Uyghurs and other minorities living in Xinjiang (also known as East Turkestan) in the People’s Republic of China. 

The Mulan controversy

Principal photography of Mulan took place in 2018 in New Zealand, as well as several locations in China. In the credits of the film, “Disney offers ‘special thanks’ to eight government entities in Xinjiang, including the public security bureau in Turpan, a city in eastern Xinjiang where several re-education camps have been documented.” When these names were noticed by moviegoers, the situation went viral and subsequently attracted international media attention. Online condemnation followed, including calls to boycott the film.

The situation in Xinjiang has been widely reported, as Beijing jailed tens of thousands of Uighurs, accusing them of inciting violence and terrorism. International human rights organizations have stated that this strategy amounts to cultural genocide, as Uyghurs in said camps are tortured and subjected to brainwashing to erase their identity. Government documents leaked in 2019 explain in detail some of Beijing’s methods and procedures in the camps. Some norms include: “increase discipline and punishment of behavioral violations,” and “make remedial Mandarin studies the top priority.”

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Tuesday, March 31, 2020

Geopolitcal Monitor: In Xinjiang, Ethnic Kazakhs Suffer alongside Uyghurs


"In Xinjiang, Ethnic Kazakhs Suffer alongside Uyghurs"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Geopolitical Monitor
Opinion
March 31, 2020
Originally published: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/in-xinjiang-ethnic-kazakhs-suffer-alongside-uyghurs/


 The recent award given to Sairagul Sauytbay, namely the U.S. State Department’s International Women of Courage Award (IWOC), has helped maintain international attention on the campaign of repression currently being carried out in East Turkestan (called Xinjiang by the Chinese government) against the Uyghur population, and other ethnic groups in the region, including ethnic Kazakhs.

In an exclusive interview, Mrs. Sauytbay shared her thoughts about how the US and the rest of the international community can keep pressure on China, and also what else the Kazakhstan government can do about the situation faced by ethnic Kazakhs in East Turkestan. Kazakhstan is generally regarded as the “buckle” in China’s Belt and Road Initiative, but this strong dependency on Chinese investment and trade comes at a heavy price.

 
Continue Reading....


The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com or any institutions with which the authors are associated.

Tuesday, November 20, 2018

Providence: Trump, Bolsonaro, and the Future of US-Brazil Relations


"Trump, Bolsonaro, and the Future of US-Brazil Relations"
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Providence
20 October 2018
Originally published: https://providencemag.com/2018/11/trump-bolsonaro-future-us-brazil-relations/

“Do not be deceived: ‘Bad company ruins good morals.’” 1 Corinthians 15:33
Jair Bolsonaro will become Brazil’s next president after winning the South American nation’s October 28 runoff elections. The seasoned politician is well-known for a series of controversial and offensive statements, which include homophobic, sexist, and racist insults, as well as support for Brazil’s former military dictatorship. And yet, he emerged victorious with around 58 million votes.

Can the US government work with such a leader? Answering this question requires a discussion about the eternal conflict in international relations: choosing between national interests and morality.

(Some of) Bolsonaro’s Declarations
In spite of successfully campaigning as an “anti-establishment” candidate, Bolsonaro is anything but that. In 1991 he became a federal deputy for Rio de Janeiro to the lower chamber of Congress, and he has been reelected six times since then. He is also a retired army captain.

Throughout his tenure in Congress, he has often made extremely controversial and offensive remarks. For example, he stated in a 2011 interview with Playboy that he “would be incapable of loving a homosexual son… I would prefer my son to die in an accident than show up with a mustachioed man.” He also insulted female lawmaker Maria do Rosario in 2003, stating “I would not rape you, because you’re not worthy of it,” and then pushing her away (video in Portuguese). Similarly, he has critiqued quilombolas, individuals of African descent, declaring that “they don’t do anything. I don’t think they’re even good for procreation anymore.”

Nevertheless, his ideological stances have also earned him support from certain segments. For example, his constant praise of the Brazilian military, even his controversial support of the 1964–85 military regime (he has said that “the dictatorship’s mistake was to torture and not kill”), has earned him support from the armed forces. It certainly helps that he is a retired officer himself, while his vice president, Hamilton Mourão, is a retired army general.

President-elect Bolsonaro will take power on January 1, 2019, and his main priorities will likely be domestic, such as improving citizens’ security, improving the economy, and battling corruption. This last issue was a pillar of his presidential campaign, as he profited from the population’s anger at the never-ending series of corruption scandals, such as Operation Car Wash (Lava Jato), which led to the impeachment of former President Dilma Rousseff in 2016.

Can the US Government Work with President Bolsonaro?
The short answer is yes. Leaving his offensive remarks aside, President-elect Bolsonaro has said what that the Trump White House wants to hear in terms of foreign policy. For example, he has repeatedly criticized Venezuela. Likewise, there are ongoing discussions about whether Brazil may move its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, following the US example, in order to improve bilateral ties with Israel (particularly regarding defense issues).

Trade between the two countries is high and benefits the US (which President Trump will like). According to the US Trade Representative, “the US goods trade surplus with Brazil was $7.8 billion in 2017, a 93.6% increase ($3.8 billion) over 2016 [and it] has a services trade surplus of an estimated $19 billion with Brazil in 2017, up 9.6% from 2016.” Even more, there is also the multibillion-dollar deal between Boeing and EMBRAER (a powerful Brazilian aerospace company), which could be extremely lucrative for both sides. Even more, Paulo Guedes will be the new super minister of the economy, a move that has increased confidence from international investors, as he is regarded as one of the “Chicago Boys.”

Washington-Brasilia relations soured during the Obama-Dilma Rousseff era when Edward Snowden revealed that US intelligence agencies were monitoring foreign leaders, including the Brazilian president at the time. Bilateral relations have improved since then, but they could always be better, particularly at a time when the US needs strong allies in Latin America as the socio-economic and political crisis in Venezuela worsens. In other words, the pieces are in place for a Washington-Brasilia rapprochement. Trump and Bolsonaro’s similar attitudes and ideologies bolster this theory, and some specialists to argue that they would get along quite well should they ever meet.

With that said, from a moral point of view, Washington should not work with Bolsonaro. His aforementioned statements mean that state protection and support for minorities and the LGBTQ community in Brazil will be at risk once he assumes office. There is also concern about the future of Brazil’s indigenous communities and Amazonian environment, given Bolsonaro’s support of agro-businesses.

Similarly, the president-elect’s repeated praise for the 1964–85 military regime, which is known for torture, disappearances, and executions, is also concerning. He appears to plan to take strong measures to combat crime and lawlessness. However, one of Brazil’s (many) problems is its history of law enforcement officers who carry out human rights abuses, including extrajudicial executions. Latin America does not need another leader who supports draconian measures in the name of public safety.

Final Thoughts
There are plenty of common objectives at the foreign policy and trade levels that could ensure the US and Brazil under Presidents Trump and Bolsonaro could have a mutually beneficial relationship. Even an alliance could be in the making. Nevertheless, Bolsonaro’s lengthy history of racist, sexist, homophobic, and violent statements makes him the type of leader that the White House should stay away from.

Alas, geopolitics tends to favor national interests and the personal preferences of those in power, rather than morality and respect for human rights. In short, sadly, national interests tend to trump human rights.


Wilder Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cybersecurity issues in the Western Hemisphere. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

Thursday, December 8, 2016

E-IR: Pop Culture and Latin America’s Conflicts



"Pop Culture and Latin America's Conflicts"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
E-International Relations
Article
December 3, 2016
Originally published: http://www.e-ir.info/2016/12/03/pop-culture-and-latin-americas-conflicts/

Latin America has been plagued with internal conflicts for decades, be them against left-wing insurgencies or narco-cartels. Naturally, regional film and television industries have utilized them as sources of inspiration for the plots of films and soap operas (the famous Latin American telenovelas). How Latin American security forces are portrayed in these productions is controversial, as there seems to be a bias towards portraying them in a negative way. Whether this is done on purpose or not is debatable, however it appears that regional defense officers believe that entertainment industries deliberately critique them while glorifying criminals. This is an important issue to keep in mind as the entertainment industry has an important effect on how the civilian population views its government and security forces.
Which Wars to Portray?
Prior to beginning our discussion on how conflicts are portrayed by Latin American entertainment industries, we first need to clarify what types of conflicts are depicted. For example, Hollywood producers have the dubious luxury of being able to make a film inspired by one of the many military operations that the US has carried out throughout the world, as portrayed in films like American SniperBlack Hawk Down, Lone SurvivorPlatoonZero Dark Thirty, to name a few.
On the other hand, it is important to note that as violent as Latin America is perceived to be, inter-state conflict in the region is actually scarce. Case in point, the last inter-state war in the region occurred in 1995: a short-lived, non-declared war between Ecuador and Peru. The most recent conflict prior to that one was the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982 between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Rather, Latin American militaries and police forces have been deployed internally to combat insurgencies in various countries, between the 1960s to mid-1990s, as well as drug trafficking entities nowadays, like Mexico’s war against narco-cartels, and transnational gangs like the Maras that operate in El Salvador and Honduras.
In other words, while Hollywood can produce a film that depicts a real U.S. military operation abroad, Latin American producers wishing to tell stories about recent real world Latin American military operations have to, by default, focus on internal conflicts.
How Are They Portrayed?
Due to space issues, we cannot discuss every Latin American production, whether a film or telenovela, that addresses some regional internal conflict, whether it be against left-leaning insurgents or a narco-cartel. The list below includes films that, in the author’s opinion, provide a particularly harsh portrayal of regional defense forces.
At a personal level, one of the earliest TV portrayals of the Peruvian military that the author watched was the Peruvian telenovela Los De Arriba y Los De Abajo (The Elite and Lower Ones) in the early-mid 1990s. One of the telenovela’s subplots revolved around an army commander who accidentally orders his troops to fire upon a group of civilians in an Andean town while they were searching for terrorists. The commander and the widow of one of the men killed meet again decades later after their children fall in love. The inspiration for this plot comes from the real-life conflict between the Peruvian military and two terrorist movements, the Shining Path (SenderoLuminoso, SL) and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru, MRTA). The military has been accused of carrying out massacres against civilians throughout the 1980s and early 1990s during the internal war against said movements (e.g. the 1985 Accomarca massacre). Another controversial soap opera is Brazil’s Amor e Revolução (Love and Revolution), which has been critiqued for focusing on human rights abuses committed by the Brazilian military government (1964-1985).
As for movies, most critique regional militaries. For example, the 2006 Colombian-Argentine film Soñar No Cuesta Nada (Dreaming Is Free) focuses on a group of Colombian soldiers who discover a cache of money belonging to the insurgent movement Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC); rather than reporting the find, they keep the money and spend it amongst themselves. The film was inspired by a similar real-life 2003 incident. Similarly, the 2003 Argentine drama Captive discusses the fate of children who were adopted by families connected to the military after their parents were disappeared by the Argentine military government (1976-1983). Decades later, these individuals have begun to find out their true identities. Like the aforementionedSoñar No Cuesta Nada, the film is inspired by real events. For instance, in 2015 the Argentine media reported that a man called Mario Bravo discovered his true identity: as a child he was taken away from his mother who was arrested by the military government in the 1970s.
Another example is the 2009 Peruvian film La Teta Asustada (The Milk of Sorrow)  which discusses the fate of Peruvians that were affected by the massacres committed by Peruvian insurgents and the security forces during the country’s internal war (early 1980s to mid-1990s). The movie’s IMDB webpagesummarizes the plot: “Fausta is suffering from a rare disease called the Milk of Sorrow, which is transmitted through the breast milk of pregnant women who were abused or raped during or soon after pregnancy.” A scene from the movie, in which the main character hyperventilates after seeing a photo of a military officer, implies that the Peruvian armed forces in some way abused her or her family.
A final example is the 2004 Mexican film Voces Inocentes (Innocent Voices) which focuses on El Salvador’s civil war (1980-1992).  The movie tells the story of children and teenagers that were forced to join the Salvadoran military to combat the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, FMLN).  The role of child soldiers in this Central American nation’s civil war has also been well recorded.
It is the opinion of this author, which also appears to be the opinion of some Latin American defense officers, that the aforementioned movies address specific incidents or scandals, all of them unfortunately true, which give the viewer a negative opinion about armed forces. The problem may be that such productions lack a degree of balance, like for example some statement that not all military officers and troops behaved in such despicable manner during these periods of internal warfare or military rule.
Liberation Wars and Inter-State Conflict
To be fair, there have been films which portray Latin American militaries in a positive light, however they tend to focus on 19th century conflicts, namely the region’s independence wars. For example, the 2013 film The Liberator is a Venezuelan-Spanish historical movie which centers on the life of revered South American liberator Simón Bolívar. Similarly, there have been several movies about the Argentine José de San Martín, the region’s other liberator. Moreover, Gloria del Pacífico named the best Peruvian film in 2014, is about the 19th century War of the Pacific (between Peru and Bolivia against Chile, supported by the British Empire). The movie focuses on Peruvian Army hero Francisco Bolognesi.
It is worth noting that Argentina has produced movies about the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War, which, as previously mentioned, was an inter-state conflict. Such films include 2005’s Iluminados Por El Fuego or1984’s Los Chicos de la Guerra (The Boys of War)
A Sensitive Issue
Cinematographic and television portrayals of militaries and real world security operations are a sensitive issue. For example the film Zero Dark Thirty was critiqued as it showcased US intelligence officers (repeatedly) torturing prisoners to gather intelligence during the hunt for Osama bin Laden. This is even more controversial in Latin America as the conflicts portrayed in most films address civil wars and other internal conflicts, rather than operations on the other side of the globe. Another problem is that these films are about recent conflicts, some of which are still ongoing (e.g. Colombia). In other words, they will be even more relatable to viewers.
As part of the research for this analysis, the author carried out off-the-record interviews with members of Latin American security and defense agencies. The overall consensus, albeit from a miniscule pool of interviewees, is that regional television and cinematographic industries portray a skewed version of reality when it comes to the activities carried out by these agencies to protect the homeland. Namely, security forces are portrayed as “los malos,” (the bad ones) meaning that they are consistently showcased carrying out human rights abuses whether they be disappearances, rape, summary execution of civilians, or other abuses of power.
On the other hand, as one Colombian security officer explained to the author, there is a reversal of values, as narco lords like the infamous Pablo Escobar appear as a charismatic individual with altruistic goals, for example in series like Narcos; Pablo Escobar: El Patron del Mal (Pablo Escobar: The Lord of Evil); La Reina del Sur (The Queen of the South); El Señor de Los Cielos (The Lord of Heaven), among others. The officer explained that this portrayal does not allow the viewer to properly understand the duties and sacrifices of the members of the security and defense forces to protect the homeland.
At this point, it is worth remembering that in the US, Hollywood (broadly speaking) is often critiqued by conservative media outlets of having a “liberal agenda” which aims at vilifying the U.S. military. We will not delve into conspiracy theories regarding whether there is some “agenda” behind Latin American cinematographic and television productions and the negative way they portray security forces. Nevertheless, the author would like to highlight a comment by a retired Peruvian army officer about the way the country’s military has been portrayed in the aforementioned films and telenovelas. The officer explained “these people [meaning the producers and directors] have disliked the military since the time when it was in control of the country, this [the movies and telenovelas] is their revenge.” Meanwhile, a retired Colombian military officer explained that the country’s narco-related telenovelas are “apologists of crime.”
The issue, thus, may be one of perception. Are Latin American producers and filmmakers purposely trying to make security forces look “bad,” because of personal biasness? Additionally, do narco-novelas aim at glorifying narco lords and the narco life, or is this for dramatic effect in order to attract viewers?  No Latin American filmmakers, producers or script writers were consulted by the author, but the perception from interviewed Latin American defense and security officers (again from a very small number, but the author will cautiously generalize it) is that regional films and telenovelas focus on humanizing and even praising insurgents and criminals, while critiquing militaries and police forces. As a retired Colombian defense officer explained, this issue is part of a wider problem of civil military relations at a time of internal conflict. The officer explained, “in Latin America, certain social organizations consider themselves the exclusive owners of issues like the protection of minorities and human rights in general … they maximize any error or criminal act, done purposely or by accident, committed by defense forces while minimizing the atrocities committed by terrorists.”
One example of a positive portrayal of modern Latin American forces could be the Colombian television series Comando Elite, produced by RCN, which focuses on a police unit that combats crime, taking down real-life Colombian narco-lords and insurgent leaders. However, the overall pattern appears to be that portraying defense forces by default requires a negative portrayal, rather than a positive one. It is certainly possible to make a film that positively showcases the bravery of specific units in the field of battle, like for example the Mexican military’s operations against narco-cartels, or the Peruvian Army’s successes against Shining Path and the MRTA, however they may be critiqued for appearing as government-propaganda and not showcasing abuses committed by security forces, which have been well-recorded.
Due to space limitations we have not discussed the relationship between governments and entertainment industries, and the possibility of state-censorship of films or series critical of security forces. This author would argue that fact that these projects continue to be produced and broadcasted is an example of the general success of freedom of speech in Latin America (at least in this specific industry and in most countries, with some exceptions). If anything, regional film producers desire more state support for their movies to reach wider masses. For example, the film industry and the local governments in Colombia and Peru have attempted to design legislation to support their domestic cinematographic industry, while there are programs in countries like Argentina and Mexico where the state provides financial support, like subsidies, towards domestic television and film industries.
Concluding Thoughts
The influence of films on the views of populations is an issue that has been researched by academics. For example, Michelle Pautz, Associate Professor at the University of Dayton, has published an essay analyzing the influence of Argo and Zero Dark Thirty on how U.S. citizens view their government. In a 2015 blog commentary about her research, Professor Pautz states “films that have a more distinctive characterization of characters and institutions might foster a greater influence on viewers.  Put differently, if the “good guys” and “bad guys” are easier to determine, films might be able to influence their audiences.” Meanwhile, in a 2014 interview for the Peruvian daily Diario Correo, Peruvian actor Reynaldo Arenas, who had a role in Gloria del Pacifico, declared that “cinema teaches the youth to not forget history. This art must entertain, educate and inform.” Both Professor Pautz and Mr. Arenas touch on the issue of effects of movies in viewers, with the Peruvian actor taking the stance that movies have a sort of social duty.
Latin America is a region that has experienced major civil unrest over the past decades, morphing in type, from ideological-oriented uprisings to high levels of street violence and the so-called “war on drugs.” Naturally, regional television and film producers have plenty of material that can inspire them to write telenovelas and movies that discuss particular incidents or the consequences of abuses carried out by defense forces in the aforementioned internal conflicts. Hence, the reason why there’s a significant amount of productions about these internal conflicts may be simply because they are topical and it is something that viewers can relate to. Nevertheless, at least one of the aforementioned interviewed defense officers seems to believe that there is a resentment behind these films and telenovelas given how defense forces are portrayed while narco-criminals tend to be glorified.
It would certainly be a welcome development to have major productions that portray the efforts of modern military forces in a positive light, like what has been done with movies relating to the 19th century independence wars, but the problem is that they may in turn be dimissed as government propaganda. Nevertheless, as Professor Pautz and Mr. Arenas highlight, movies do have an influence on the perceptions of moviegoers and it would be a good method of improving popular opinion about security forces in the region since, while it is true that (many) human rights abuses have been unfortunately committed during internal security operations, Latin America is ripe with stories of heroes and heroines who gave their lives to protect their homeland from various internal threats. Militaries and police forces can win wars, but the television and cinematographic industries are critical components that will determine whether or not they will be remembered as heroes.
*The views presented in this essay are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

Thursday, November 20, 2014

VOXXI: Are Colombia and Peru doing enough to combat human trafficking?


"Are Colombia and Peru doing enough to combat human trafficking?"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
November 20, 2014
VOXXI
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/11/20/colombia-peru-combat-human-trafficking/
As 2014 comes to a close, a new report by an Australian non-governmental organization, the Walk Free Foundation, provides grim estimates about modern slavery: over 35 million people are enslaved throughout the world. Moreover, this NGO states that there are over 1 million 200 thousand enslaved people throughout the Americas.
Latin American governments are not fully blind to this problem, since not a week goes by without media outlets reporting how regional security agencies have busted yet another a human trafficking ring. Nevertheless, basic human decency calls for more to be done.

Statistics

The Walk Free Foundation provides an in-depth analysis of modern slavery, comparing the estimated number of modern slaves in relation to a country’s local population. The report also analyses how well governments are doing in terms of combating human trafficking.
For example, Iceland is performing better than any other country, as there are “only” an estimated 23 people in slavery, which translates to 0.007 percent of the small island’s total population. On the other hand, the highest culprits of modern slavery are India (with 14 million), China (with 3.2 million) and Pakistan (with 2.1 million).
As for how Latin American and the Caribbean states are positioned in the report’s rankings, the results are mixed. The Western Hemispheric nation that finished worst on the list is Haiti, with some 240 thousand enslaved people, or over 2.3 percent of its population.
As for Latin American states, Mexico fared worst, with an estimated 270,000 modern slaves (unlike Haiti, this is only 0.2 percent of the total population). Mexico performed even worse than Brazil, with 160 thousand; Colombia, with 110 thousand; and Peru with 66 thousand.
In a somewhat ironic development, the Western Hemisphere state that performed best, after Canada and the U.S., was Cuba – the Caribbean island has an estimated four thousand modern slaves, or 0.03 percent of the population.

Effective responses?

Regional countries like Peru and Colombia are not oblivious to the problem of modern slavery. For example, just this past September, the Peruvian congress approved setting a 15-year prison sentence for individuals guilty of human trafficking.
Meanwhile, Colombian local industries have taken matters into their own hands. Industries like Cafe Montes and Colina have teamed up with the Colorado-based Fluid Coffee Bar and Novo Coffee to support the education of teachers and students in rural communities. The goal is to prevent young Colombians from being persuaded by false promises so they will not fall in the hands of human traffickers.
Regarding the fate of the victims of human trafficking, the response is broad. In Peru, drug trafficking and illegal mining are the major reasons for internal human trafficking. Meanwhile in Colombia, drug trafficking is a major cause.
In both countries, a security concern is that young victims will wind up in the hands of guerilla movements, which are known for utilizing child soldiers. Unsurprisingly, young women are a preferred demographic by human smugglers as they are often forced into sexual service.
Nevertheless, one obvious problem when it comes to cracking down on human trafficking is that this is not a centralized network by any means. For example, last October the Peruvian police arrested a trafficking ring made up of Bangladeshis and Nepalese who utilized Peru as a transit country to smuggle their compatriots into the U.S.
The method was fairly simple: a citizen from one of these Southeast Asian nations would arrive to Lima, be told how to travel to neighboring Ecuador or Colombia, and then from there continue their voyage to the U.S. According to the Peruvian media, each person reportedly paid $17 thousand USD for this voyage.
Colombia is also a transit nation. “Because of its geographical location [with the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans on each side,” Colombia is used as a stopover for South Americans and Africans who are attempting to reach Europe and the U.S., explains the Colombian daily El Tiempo.
By keeping these last two examples in mind, we can argue that the estimated number of modern slaves in Colombia and Peru according to the Walk Free Foundation may not be close to reality, given that both countries are also transit nations. Hence, there may be an unaccounted number of foreign victims currently stuck in both countries.
When it comes to modern slavery, both Colombia and Peru do not face the tragically high numbers found in India, China, or even Haiti. Nevertheless, this does not mean that there are not tens of thousands of Colombians, Peruvians and smuggled persons from other developing nations living as slaves in both countries.
Both the Peruvian and Colombian governments continue to crack down on human trafficking, and they should be commended for this. Nevertheless, it is a shame that as 2014 ends, more steps have not been taken. The fact that over 35 million individuals live deprived of their liberty and treated as a commodity is a failure of humankind.

Tuesday, April 15, 2014

VOXXI: El Salvador: Will General Jose Guillermo Garcia be deported?



"El Salvador: Will General Jose Guillermo Garcia be deported?"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
April 15, 2014
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2014/04/15/el-salvador-jose-garcia-be-deported/

The ruling of a Miami judge to deport Army General Jose Guillermo Garcia, a former defense minister of El Salvador, serves as a victory for human rights supporters, despite the difficulties to implement the rule anytime soon.
Judge Michael Horn ruled that Garcia had a direct role in the torture and extrajudicial killings of hundreds of individuals during that country’s civil war (1980-1992).

A brief background

A brief summary of El Salvador’s bloody conflict is required in order to properly understand the accusations against the retired army general.
Garcia served as defense minister of the Revolutionary Junta – a military government that ruled El Salvador from 1979 until 1982. It was during this period that a bloody civil war commenced between the government and the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional (FMLN), a coalition of various insurgent movements. Some 75,000 thousand people are believed to have died in the conflict.
Three significant incidents that occurred at the onset of the civil war were: the 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero, the 1980 assassination of four U.S. church women, and the 1981 El Mozote Massacre.
Garcia was defense minister of the country when these crimes took place, as he served in that post from 1979 until 1983.
The School of the Americas Watch (SOAW) reports that Garcia “refused to investigate reports that hundreds of unarmed civilians were brutally murdered by the U.S.-trained Atlacatl battalion in 1981.” This incident is known as El Mozote Massacre: Salvadoran soldiers, as part of “Operacion Rescate,” killed over 800 civilians at El Mozote village, where FMLN fighters were believed to be hiding.
Likewise, the SOAW claims that “Garcia also failed to launch a serious investigation of the murder of four U.S. churchwomen by members of the Salvadoran National Guard.” A 1998 New York Times reportexplains that the women (Maura Clarke, Jean Donovan, Ita Ford and Dorothy Kazel) were abducted, raped and shot to death on the night of December 2, 1980; their bodies were later found alongside an isolated road.
A 1993 United Nations Truth Commission report concluded that Garcia and Coronel Carlos Eugenio Vides Casanova, who at the time was the director of the National Guard, organized an official cover-up of the nuns’ assassinations.
In 1990, Garcia travelled to the U.S. in 1989 and was granted political asylum the following year. He has reportedly lived in Florida ever since.
In February 2013, during his deportation trial, Garcia admitted that he knew of abuses committed by Salvadoran forces, but he argued that he tried to stop them. “I have never ordered, nor have I ever agreed with torture because my principles prohibit it,” he stated.

The deportation verdict

Given the atrocious human rights violations that Garcia is accused of having either ordered or covered up while he was El Salvador’s defense minister, it is no surprise that human rights organizations have praised the recent ruling.
The Center for Accountability & Justice issued a press release in which it praises the judge’s decision and the New York Time’s work to make the ruling be public knowledge. It also states that the “CJA and our clients will continue to work to obtain justice for the brutality of the Salvadoran military and security forces under Garcia’s command.” (The CJA has uploaded a PDF of the 66-page judge’s decision).
The CJA has been trying to hold Garcia accountable for his actions since 1999.
In the conclusions of his lengthy decision, Judge Horn states that “the Court finds that the Department of Homeland Security has established by clear and convincing evidence that all the allegations in the charging documents are true and correct.” These are listed as Garcia’s extrajudicial killing of Archbishop Romero, the four American women, and the El Mozote Massacre, among several others. (P. 60-61)
It is well known that the U.S. government supported the Salvadoran military during the country’s civil war, and to this day the American military has a base in Comalapa, El Salvador. Garcia himself received some military training by the U.S. as he attended a course on counterinsurgency at the School of the Americas in 1962.
As for the general’s fate, his lawyer has declared that they will fight the decision to extradite his client back to Central America. In other words, we will have months, if not years, of legal proceedings before a final verdict is reached and carried out.
Thirty years ago, the atrocities committed in El Salvador’s civil war were horrific, and the perpetrators should be brought to justice. By perpetrators I do not mean solely the military personnel who killed the peasants of El Mozote or four American nuns, but also the higher-ranking officers who either ordered these crimes or covered them up. Hopefully Garcia will not face the U.S. justice system but will eventually return to El Salvador to be trialed there as well for his actions.