Showing posts with label cuba. Show all posts
Showing posts with label cuba. Show all posts

Thursday, April 23, 2026

CSIS: "Beyond Venezuela and Cuba: The U.S. Military’s Future Operations in the Western Hemisphere "

 


 "Beyond Venezuela and Cuba: The U.S. Military’s Future Operations in the Western Hemisphere"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Americas Program

Center for Strategic and International Studies

23 April, 2026

Published: https://www.csis.org/analysis/beyond-venezuela-and-cuba-us-militarys-future-operations-western-hemisphere 

After Operation Absolute Resolve, which resulted in the extraction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, the White House is increasing pressure on Cuba for some type of political change. Whether the U.S. military will also be deployed in some capacity to the Caribbean island remains to be seen; much will depend on a potential renewed conflict with Iran.

While these three hotspots continue to make headlines, the U.S. military is also expanding its presence across Latin America and the Caribbean. Combating drug-trafficking will continue to be a priority for Washington, and the U.S. military will be heavily involved in this mission.

 

Wednesday, July 31, 2024

Golos Ameriki: " Эксперты в США: «Венесуэла – это в реальности новая Куба»" / "Venezuela in reality is the new Cuba"

 

"Эксперты в США: «Венесуэла – это в реальности новая Куба»" / "Venezuela in reality is the new Cuba"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Golos Ameriki / Voice of America (Russian language service)

31 July 2024

Originally published: https://www.golosameriki.com/a/us-experts-venezuela-elections/7719450.html

«Термин “мадуризмо” – это не только сам Николас Мадуро. Это и круг его сторонников: членов Национальной ассамблеи, министров, руководителей государственной нефтяной компании и военачальников Вооруженных сил, начиная с министра обороны Владимира Лопеса. Их материальное благополучие, их власть, от которых они не откажутся, зависят от присутствия Мадуро на президентском посту, – пояснил в интервью Русской службе «Голоса Америки» Вильдер Алехандро Санчес, глава компании Second Floor Strategies, политолог вашингтонского Центра стратегических и международных исследований (Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, CSIS).

Continue reading....

Sunday, June 25, 2023

International Policy Digest: What Did Iran’s Raisi Accomplish with his Latin American Tour?

"What Did Iran’s Raisi Accomplish with his Latin American Tour?"

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

International Policy Digest

23 June, 2023

Originally published: https://intpolicydigest.org/what-did-iran-s-raisi-accomplish-with-his-latin-american-tour/

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi embarked on a Latin American tour in mid-June, visiting Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. During his visit, he held meetings with Presidents Miguel Díaz-Canel, Daniel Ortega, and Nicolás Maduro, respectively. The tour lasted five days and resulted in several agreements, although none were groundbreaking. However, considering the well-known tensions between Washington and these four governments, Washington viewed the visit with some concern. It is worth noting that this visit followed a controversial port call by two Iranian warships to Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro a few months prior.

 Continue reading...

Monday, January 7, 2019

Citado en: Bases militares: la carrera de las superpotencias por Sudamérica

"Bases militares: la carrera de las superpotencias por Sudamérica"
Por: Irene Ayuso Morillo
Publimetro - Chile
7 de Enero, 2019
Publicado Originalmente en:  https://www.publimetro.cl/cl/noticias/2019/01/07/bases-militares-rusia-eeuu-china-se-disputan-sudamerica.html

Tanto China como Rusia quieren expandir su presencia en Latinoamérica y el Caribe via temas de seguridad y defensa, lo que ha creado recelos por parte de EEUU 

El pasado viernes el presidente brasileño Jair Bolsonaro dijo estar abierto a albergar una base militar de Estados Unidos para contrarrestar la influencia de Rusia en la región. En diciembre, Rusia y Venezuela efectuaron una misión conjunta de adiestramiento en suelo venezolano que fue criticada por el secretario norteamericano de Estado, Mike Pompeo.

“La cuestión física puede ser hasta simbólica. Hoy en día, el poderío de las fuerzas armadas norteamericanas, chinas, rusas, alcanza el mundo todo independientemente de la base”, indicó y aseguró que de hecho Estados Unidos tiene intereses de esa naturaleza en “varios países suramericanos”.

Esto responde a la preocupación en los últimos meses por parte de EEUU ante la creciente influencia en el hemisferio sur de países como Rusia y China.

Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, analista de seguridad y geopolítica, asegura que "Rusia y China están intentando expandir su influencia en América Latina y el Caribe, en el caso de Moscú, están intentado obtener de nuevo la presencia que tenía en estas regiones durante la época de la Unión Soviética".


-Base militar en Brasil

Los americanos le han pedido al presidente Bolsonaro tener una mayor presencia en la zona del norte de Brasil, pero por el momento dijo que podría discutir el tema "en un futuro", lo mismo que declaró en su momento el presidente argentino Mauricio Macri cuando le pidieron entre 2015 y 2016, instalar en el mediano plazo 3 bases amerianas en el país, dos en el sur y una en el norte, en Misiones, según sostiene Witker.

Desde el punto de vista histórico,  esto no es ninguna novedad: las fuerzas militares de Estados Unidos y Brasil mantuvieron la colaboración de 1941 a 1945, asociación que incluyó una base aérea cerca de Natal. El entonces presidente de Estados Unidos, Franklin Roosevelt, describió a Natal —el punto más próximo del continente americano a África— como el “Trampolín hacia la Victoria” en la Segunda Guerra Mundial porque permitía el envío de suministros a las fuerzas aliadas en África. Durante parte de la guerra, la localidad costera brasileña contaba con uno de los aeropuertos de mayor

-Base militar rusa en Venezuela 

Medios rusos señalaron recientemente que ocuparían una base aérea en una isla de La Orchila como parte de una incursión militar a largo plazo en Venezuela.

"En el caso de Rusia, se conoce muy bien las exorbirtantes venta de armas a Venezuela durante la época del ex presidente Hugo Chávez, la venta de tanques y blindados a Nicaragua, la venta de helicópteros a Perú. Además ,Rusia ya ha enviado una pequeña flota naval a Venezuela en el 2009, la primera vez que esto ocurre desde el final de la Guerra Fría. El gobierno nicaraguense por su lado , ha ceptado que tropas rusas entren regularmente al país para llevar a cabo actividades de entrenamiento con las furzas armadas de Nicaragua", evalúa Sanchez.

-El paradigma chino en la Patagonia argentina

En los últimos años, China ha mostrado un mayor interés por Latinoamérica.  "El gigante asiático está intentando vender armamento a América Latina, sin mucho éxito, pero han habido donaciones de equipo no-letal, como vehículos a Argentina y las Bahamas.  Además, China está intentado establecer y cimentar relaciones amigable sentre las fuerzas armadas de su país con la de países de Latinoamérica y el Caribe", declara el también colaborador del  Cimsec (Centro para la Seguridad Marítima Internacional, Alejandor Sanchez.

A China le interesa tener acceso en materias primas y participar en grandes obras de infraestructuras,  y en ese  sentido tuvieron  un avance muy importante en Neuquén, en la localidad Bajada del Agrio,cerca del límite con Mendoza, donde se instaló una base de investigación espacial china.  Se trata de una antena gigante, creada por el ejército chino: pesa 450 toneladas y tiene un valor de 50 millones de dólares.

Muchos diarios americanos  están preocupados por la cualidad militar que tiene para los chinos: “la base solitaria es uno de los símbolos más impactantes de la estrategia que Pekín lleva implementando desde hace tiempo para transformar América Latina”, dice el diario New York Times. 

"Para los chinos es una base estrictamente militar, porque el proyecto espacial chino es militar, no civil. Se trata de una base de Observación del Espacio Lejano, pero está construída  y provisionada por el Ejército Popular de Liberación, es todo personal militar el que está ahí, y esa base no está bajo supervisión de nadie, ni siquiera del gobierno argentino", señala Witker.
El mayor cuestionamiento y la alarma que enciende el Times es respecto al presunto espionaje chino que se hace desde la Patagonia.

“Una antena gigante es como una enorme aspiradora”, comentó Dean Cheng, quien trabajó como investigador en el Congreso estadounidense y ahora estudia la política de seguridad nacional de China. “Succiona señales, información, todo tipo de cosas”.

La creciente influencia china no solo se evidencia sobre Argentina, sino sobre otras naciones de la región, en las que ha invertido en obra pública o a las que ha concedido préstamos a cambio de participaciones en reservas de hidrocarburos. Por ejemplo, en Bolivia también están muy metidos porque tienen un acuerdo bilateral,  por el cual  los bolivianos crearon la Agencia Boliviana del Espacio y hay un satélite, íntegro hecho y manejado por los chinos, señala Witker.

Asímismo Sanchez sostiene que "tanto China como Rusia, querien expandir su presencia en Latinoamérica y el Caribe via temas de seguridad y defensa, eso no signica que alguno de estos países vaya a establcer bases militares con tanques, aviones y sofisticados sistemas de armas. Más bien están intentando expandir su influencia via ventas de armas y entrenamentos con las fuerzas de defensa de nuestra región".


 

 

Wednesday, November 28, 2018

Providence: The US and Latin America’s “Troika of Tyrann


"The US and Latin America’s “Troika of Tyranny""
Wilder Alejandro Sanchez
Providence
28 November 2018
Originally published: https://providencemag.com/2018/11/us-latin-america-troika-of-tyranny-john-bolton/

 
“For God will bring every deed into judgment, with every secret thing, whether good or evil.” Ecclesiastes 12:14

National Security Advisor John Bolton gave a speech in Miami in early November in which he labeled the governments of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela as Latin America’sTroika of Tyranny.” This statement is not particularly shocking as the Trump administration has routinely criticized all three governments. Tense relations with Managua and Caracas are to be expected, but utilizing this label for Havana exemplifies the Trump White House’s freeze of the Washington-Havana rapprochement that started during the Obama presidency.

The question that emerges now is: does Bolton’s speech signal a drastic change in US foreign policy toward Latin America? Or can we expect more of the same?

The Miami Speech
Bolton gave his speech at the Miami Dade College’s Freedom Tower on November 1, during which he labeled the three aforementioned states as the “troika of tyranny” of the Western Hemisphere. Followers of international affairs will make parallels between this label and the “axis of evil” term President George W. Bush utilized during his 2002 State of the Union address to describe the governments of Iran, Iraq, and North Korea.

The national security advisor stated that “this Troika of Tyranny, this triangle of terror stretching from Havana to Caracas to Managua, is the cause of immense human suffering, the impetus of enormous regional instability, and the genesis of a sordid cradle of communism in the Western Hemisphere.” He added that “we will no longer appease dictators and despots near our shores.”

As for country-specific remarks, when it comes to Venezuela Bolton demanded that the regime release political prisoners, and he called for new elections. The US official also supported new sanctions against the government, arguing that “the United States is acting against the dictator Maduro, who uses the same repressive tactics that have been employed in Cuba for decades.”

Regarding Nicaragua, the country became an international pariah due to repressive measures the Daniel Ortega administration carried out after major protests exploded in April. Hence, it comes as no surprise that Bolton demanded elections, or “the Nicaraguan regime, like Venezuela and Cuba, will feel the full weight of America’s robust sanctions regime.”

Finally, Washington aims to minimize contacts with the Cuban regime and “will only engage with the Cuban government that is willing to undertake necessary and tangible reforms.” Even more, Vox reported the US won’t allow American cash to reach Cuba’s military, security, or intelligence services.

What Is the Significance of Bolton’s Speech?
There are a number of issues worth mentioning regarding Bolton’s speech. The most important is that Bolton stopped short of openly advocating for some type of US intervention in Venezuela. As the Miami Herald reports, “Bolton said in response to questions after the speech that he doesn’t expect the US military would intervene in Venezuela. ‘I don’t see that happening,’ he said.” US politicians at all levels regularly attack the Nicolás Maduro regime and call for drastic changes. For example, on February 9 Senator Marco Rubio tweeted, “The world would support the Armed Forces in #Venezuela if they decide to protect the people & restore democracy by removing a dictator.” Hence, Bolton’s statements are not surprising. Nevertheless, it is unclear how effective additional sanctions would be given that the Maduro regime is firmly entrenched. The restraint on talking about military intervention exemplifies how undecided Washington is about how far it is willing to go to get rid of Maduro.

As for Nicaragua, the hundreds of dead civilians, with even more injured and arrested, have made the Ortega regime an international pariah. Hence, it comes as no surprise that Bolton critiqued Managua as well. Sanctions or further diplomatic pressure on Nicaragua is a valid strategy, and at one point back in June, President Ortega did flirt with the idea of calling for early elections in order to appease protesters. Nevertheless, the Nicaraguan government seems to be back in control of the country as the protests have dissipated due to the Managua’s repressive tactics. The anti-Ortega sentiment remains strong in Managua and in Washington, but it is debatable how effective sanctions would be (particularly given the fact that they have been ineffective in toppling the Maduro regime in Venezuela).

Bolton’s comments about Cuba are also noteworthy because they effectively put an end to whatever attempt at a rapprochement had commenced during the Obama presidency. Embassies in both countries reopened in 2015, and then-President Obama even met with then-President Raul Castro in 2016. But when President Trump came to power, he made it clear very quickly that he was not interested in continuing to improve bilateral ties. The mysterious attacks in 2017 that sickened US diplomas in Cuba were the perfect reason for the Trump White House to switch to a more aggressive stance vis-à-vis Cuba. Shortly after this event, The US expelled a total of 15 Cuban diplomats. If there was any hope that dialogue between the two governments could commence once again, Bolton’s speech effectively ended it.

Final Thoughts
Will Bolton’s speech have some long-term repercussions? The remarks were inflammatory and included plenty of quotable phrases and statements, but it did not represent a change of US foreign policy objectives. New sanctions are only to be expected regarding Nicaragua and Venezuela; as for Cuba, improved bilateral relations seem utopian once again.

The 2002 “Axis of Evil” speech will be forever linked to the US invasion of Iraq that took place a year later. How will the “Troika of Tyranny” remark be remembered a year from now?


Wilder Alejandro Sanchez is an analyst who focuses on geopolitical, military, and cybersecurity issues in the Western Hemisphere. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the author is associated.

Tuesday, February 20, 2018

Presentation: The Moscow Connection: Latin America's relations with Russia



"The Moscow Connection: Latin America's relations with Russia"

W. Alejandro Sanchez & Nathan Davis

Forum on International Affairs

11 January, 2018
Washington, DC

Prezi publication available: http://prezi.com/kf7jhphzheaw/?utm_campaign=share&utm_medium=copy&rc=ex0share



Details

• What we'll do: Explore Latin America's relationships with Russia

• What to bring: A form of identification (driver's license, passport, student ID, government ID, etc.)

• Summary: During the Cold War, the principle and overriding concern for the United States in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) was the perceived threat of communist, and therefore Russian, influence in the region. America's "backyard" was a geopolitical and actual battlefield between the world's two superpowers and their proxies. Recently, Russia has found common cause with countries such as Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and others that desire to offset US domination both within their own countries and the region at large. Economically, Russian firms such as Rosneft and Gasprom have made inroads in the Brazilian, Argentine, and Venezuelan oil and gas markets. Politically, Russian President Vladimir Putin and his LAC counterparts have made a series of high profile state visits in recent years. After a retreat from LAC following the collapse of the Soviet Union, it now appears that Russia is again looking to spread its influence in the region. Join the Forum on International Affairs (FIA) as we dig deeper into the foreign affairs of Latin American states, and their strategies for engaging with Russia.

Questions to Consider:

1) What do LAC countries gain from closer relationships with Russia?
2) How does Russian involvement in LAC differ between countries based on country size, political regime, incumbent political party, and geographic location?
3) Given the size of its economy can Russia sustain involvement within LAC outside of the energy sector?
4) Is Russian strategy in LAC characterized by long- or short-term considerations?
5) Can Russia play a meaningful role in LAC given its power vis-a-vis the United States, China, and the European Union?

Monday, October 30, 2017

Journal: Can Governments Negotiate With Insurgents? The Latin American Experience




"Can Governments Negotiate With Insurgents? The Latin American Experience"
W. Alejandro Sanchez and Erica Illingworth
Small Wars & Insurgencies
Volume 28, 2017 - Issue 6 - P. 1014-1036
Originally Published: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09592318.2017.1374607

Please contact me if you would like a free eprint of this essay.

Abstract
In June 2016, the Colombian Government and the FARC insurgent movement signed a ceasefire agreement, which brings the two sides one step closer to putting an end to over five decades of war. Unfortunately, Latin America has a rich history of insurgent movements, particularly during the cold war era, some of which continue to operate today. Most of these movements disappeared due to military operations, though some did so via peace negotiations. This essay aims to discuss the various ends of Latin American insurgencies to answer whether, indeed, insurgents can be negotiated with.


Keywords: Latin America, insurgency, terrorism, internal conflict, cold war, FARC, ELN, Shining Path, conflict resolution, hurting stalemate

Thursday, October 12, 2017

IWP Presentation: Russia-Latin America and Caribbean Relations in 2017


You are cordially invited to a lecture on the topic of 
Russia-Latin America and Caribbean Relations in 2017 
with
Alex Sanchez
International Affairs Analyst, IWP Alumnus
Wednesday, October 11th
5:00 PM 
The Institute of World Politics
1521 16th Street NW
Washington, D.C.

About the lecture:
This presentation will discuss current relations between the Russian Federation and Latin American and Caribbean states. Apart from addressing Moscow’s relations with “the usual suspects” (e.g. Cuba and Venezuela), we will also explore initiatives with other regional states at the diplomatic, defense and economic level. We will conclude by discussing whether the Russian government currently has an overall strategy towards Latin America and the Caribbean and what new initiatives we can expect in the near future.
About the speaker:
W. Alejandro Sanchez is an international affairs analyst who focuses on geopolitical and defense issues in the Western Hemisphere. A member of the Forum on the Arms Trade, he is a regular contributor to IHS Jane's Defense Weekly, the Center for International Maritime Security, Living in Peru, among others. His analyses have appeared in journals including Small Wars and InsurgenciesDefence Studiesthe Journal of Slavic Military StudiesEuropean SecurityStudies in Conflict and Terrorismand Perspectivas. He received his B.A. from Ursinus College, his M.A. from American University, his Certificate on Caribbean Defense and Security from the National Defense University (Washington, DC) and his Certificate on International Politics from the Institute of World Politics.
The views expressed in this presentation are the sole responsibility of the presenter and do not necessarily reflect those of any institutions with which the presenter is associated.

Sunday, October 30, 2016

Federatsia: La Geopolítica Mundial y La Posibilidad de Bases Rusas en Latinoamérica


"La Geopolítica Mundial y La Posibilidad de Bases Rusas en Latinoamérica"
Por: El Analista W. Alejandro Sanchez
Federatsia
Octubre 30, 2016
Publicado:

A principios de Octubre, el vice-ministro de Defensa de la Federación Rusa, Nikolai Pankov, declaró que su gobierno está considerando abrir, o re-abrir en algunos casos, bases militares en países como Cuba, Nicaragua y Venezuela en Latinoamérica, al igual que Vietnam en Asia. Estas declaraciones causaron furor en los medios periodísticos internacionales, particularmente en lo que se refiere a Cuba debido a que durante los dos últimos años, los gobiernos en Washington y La Habana han mejorado sus relaciones diplomáticas. Hoy en día hay un nuevo régimen geopolítico multipolar, con potencias mundiales y regionales, y como en otrora, las bases militares en naciones amigas son parte de la proyección del poder político y militar de un gobierno.

Después de la Guerra Fría, Estados Unidos y sus aliados de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN) extendieron su presencia a Europa Central y a Europa del Este. En la actualidad, este bloque tiene miembros que en su momento fueron, o parte de la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas o parte del Pacto de Varsovia, como los países bálticos o los que bordean al Mar Negro (Bulgaria y Rumania). Hasta hace poco tiempo, aproximadamente en los últimos ocho años, se especulaba que Georgia, en el Cáucaso, o Ucrania en algún momento también serían miembros de la OTAN; sin embargo la guerra entre Rusia y Georgia en el 2008 y el conflicto interno en Ucrania evaporaron estas posibilidades.

Por su parte, Estados Unidos también incrementó su presencia en Asia Central luego de los ataques del 11 de Septiembre del 2011 y la operación multinacional en Afganistán, al igual que en el Mundo Árabe luego de la guerra del 2003 en Iraq. En cuanto a bases militares se refieren, se necesitaría un ensayo solo para enumerarlas, no obstante vale mencionar que Estados Unidos tiene a sus fuerzas armadas en países como Alemania, Corea del Sur y Japón mientras que en el continente americano están en Cuba, El Salvador y Honduras entre otros. Algunos países europeos poseen también bases en otras naciones, como la presencia militar francesa en Mali. Mientras tanto la República Popular China ha abierto su primera base naval en otro país, en Djibouti, un pequeño país africano muy importante por su posición geográfica, está situado frente al Golfo de Adén.

En cuanto a la Federación Rusa, Moscú tiene una presencia militar en los países que lo bordean, incluyendo la Región del Cáucaso. También está presente en Ucrania, de manera muy controversial, dado el rol ruso en el conflicto interno de dicho país y en Transnistria, una región separatista de Moldova. Sin embargo la base rusa que hoy en día hace noticia está en Siria, ya que Moscú está apoyando militarmente al gobierno de Bashar al Assad contra el Estado Islámico y otros grupos insurgentes. Precisamente en estos días, una flota rusa, encabezada por el portaviaones Kurznetsov ha atravesado el Canal de la Mancha, con dirección a Siria. Vale mencionar que esta flota causó preocupación en el Reino Unido, ya que Londres desplegó dos buques de guerra, el destructor HMS Duncan y la fragata HMS Richmond, para que monitoreen las actividades de la flota rusa.

La simbología de esta flota rusa ha sido analizada en extenso. Por ejemplo, Steve Rosenberg de la BBC escribió que Rusia no quiere solo incrementar su poderío en Siria, ya que para hacerlo, sería más rápido enviar aviones directamente a la base rusa aérea cercana a Latakia, en Siria. Rosenberg argumenta que “mandar una flotilla rusa por el Mar del Norte y el Canal de la Mancha envía un mensaje claro al Oeste: todo lo que ustedes pueden hacer, también lo podemos hacer nosotros, hasta mejor.”

Las tensiones entre las potencias mundiales han llevado al Primer Ministro ruso Dmitry Medvédev a declarar, en Febrero del presente año, que el mundo está viviendo una nueva Guerra Fría.  Dado este punto de vista, de un alto oficial ruso, son de esperar los rumores o declaraciones respecto a que Moscú tiene la intención de abrir bases en diferentes naciones amigas, ya que esta sería una forma mediante la cual, la Federación Rusa incremente su presencia militar y política más allá de sus fronteras. Curiosamente, en el 2015, el vice ministro de defensa Anatoly Antonov declaró que Moscú no tiene planes de crear bases en Latinoamérica, mientras que ahora, otro vice ministro dice lo contrario.

Por el momento, la intención rusa de establecer bases en Latinoamérica, no ha progresado. Ciertamente, Rusia mantiene buenas relaciones de defensa con varios países de la región y ha vendido material bélico a los gobiernos de Nicaragua y Venezuela, entre otros. Sin embargo, Rusia no tiene una base militar en Latinoamérica, lo más cercano es el centro de entrenamiento “Mariscal Zukhov” en Nicaragua. Vale aclarar que este centro no es una base militar en el sentido tradicional de la palabra, con tropas armadas y armamento pesado, sino más bien un centro académico y de entrenamiento.

Cuando el vice ministro Pankov declaró que Rusia planea tener “bases militares” en países latinoamericanos y en Vietnam, no es claro a qué tipo de instalaciones se refiere. ¿En verdad tendrá la intención Moscú de abrir bases con un alto número de tropas al estilo de Siria, Transnistria o Ucrania? Aunque esto probablemente no ocurra, hasta una presencia militar simbólica, como los instructores en Nicaragua, sirven para incrementar las relaciones de defensa entre Moscú y otras naciones, algunas de las cuales se encuentran geográficamente cerca a Estados Unidos.
La geopolítica mundial hoy en día es rara. La utopía de crear paz mundial se ha evaporado y ahora tenemos un orden multipolar,es decir, con varios potencias mundiales y regionales.  Hasta pareciera que el mundo está retornando a la geopolítica de otrora, es decir a la época donde las potencias establecen instalaciones militares fuera de sus fronteras para demostrar el alcance de sus fuerzas políticas y de defensa.


Sin lugar a dudas, una hipotética base militar rusa (ya sea con tropas como la base en Siria, o solo con instructores como el centro en Nicaragua) en Latinoamérica tendría fuertes repercusiones a nivel regional, al igual que efectos en el “Gran Juego” geopolítico de las potencias mundiales que se vive en la actualidad.

Thursday, August 4, 2016

Blouin Beat: World - Captain America and the spy within


"Captain America and the spy within"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: WorldAugust 4, 2016
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatworld/2016/08/04/captain-america-and-the-spy-within/
In addition to periodic coverage of geopolitics in Latin America, W. Alejandro Sanchez has previously reported on substance abuse in Netflix’s ‘Jessica Jones’ and whether cyber warfare is accurately depicted in the USA network’s ‘Mr. Robot.’ 

Marvel Comics’ Captain America: Steve Rogers has made news in recent months because of its premise: the All-American hero Steve Rogers turns out to be an agent of the fictional evil organization Hydra.
The comic book storyline so far is as follows: the original Captain America, Steve Rogers, is revealed to be a sleeper agent for Hydra. Issue #2 explains that Captain’s evil nemesis, the Red Skull, utilized a supernatural being called a Cosmic Cube to essentially rewrite Captain America’s past, convincing Rogers’ mother to attend Hydra meetings in New York, while bringing along a teenager Rogers. In issue #1, while carrying out a mission to apparently rescue a hostage from a gang of villains, Rogers whispers the infamous line “Hail Hydra.” Without going into detail regarding its various iterations, suffice to say that Hydra is part of the Nazi machine. In the Marvel movies, Hydra is the scientific wing of the Schutzstaffel, commonly known as the SS, tasked with developing new weapons for the Third Reich during World War II.
The series has attracted major attention, including criticism by fans who do not want to see Captain America become an agent of Hydra. Part of the reason stems from the character’s origins: Captain America first appeared in November 1941 in Captain America Comics #1. He was a super soldier whose raison d’être was supporting the Axis powers (the cover of said comic shows Captain America punching Adolf Hitler). The character was created by two Jewish-American cartoonists working for Timely Comics, Joe Simon and Jack Kirby. Now, turning Captain America into an agent of a Nazi-related organization has been regarded as some fans as offensive. Even more so because 2016 marks the 75th anniversary of the character’s debut.
The plot twist has also attracted mainstream attention. For example, Marvel executive editor Tom Brevoort was interviewed by Time magazine about the reasons for the plotline. Meanwhile theWashington Post ran a piece that explains how “the comic-book reading world is buzzing because it looks as though the ultimate symbol of American heroism is a double agent working for the bad guys.”
Rogers is not only a military leader but has also access to sensitive information as the leader of the superhero team, the Avengers, as well as part of the Strategic Homeland Intervention, Enforcement and Logistics Division (S.H.I.E.L.D.), an “extra-governmental military counter-terrorism and intelligence agency, tasked with maintaining global security.” In other words, he is an individual who has had access for decades to information that is now in the hands of an evil Nazi-related entity like Hydra, which is bent on world domination.
This is fiction of course, but there are real world parallels, albeit less dramatic ones perhaps. In past years, there have been several military and intelligence U.S. officers that turned out to be agents working for other governments. Edward Snowden is a prime example, as he worked for the Central Intelligence Agency and leaked classified information about global surveillance programs carried out by U.S. intelligence services. He then fled to Russia. Another example isAna Montes, an analyst who worked for the Defense Intelligence Agency and in 2001 was arrested after having spent 16 years spying for the Cuban government. More recently, this past April a U.S. Navy flight officer, Lieutenant Commander Edward Lin, was arrested due to “espionage charges over suspicions [that] he passed secret information to Taiwan and possibly to China.”
To be fair, there are plenty of other instances of individuals in sensitive positions in other governments that were similarly imprisoned for spying on behalf of the U.S. One prominent example is Rolando Sarraff Trujillo, who worked for the Cuban Directorate of Intelligence. He was arrested and imprisoned, before being released as part of the December 2014 re-start of bilateral relations between Havana and Washington.
There is something morally devastating about discovering that a military or intelligence officer, tasked with protecting a nation, turns out to be an agent that works for “the enemy.” Captain America is, as his name shows, supposed to be the epitome of American patriotism and justice. As Marvel’s Brevoort explains, “there should be a feeling of horror or unsettledness at the idea that somebody like this can secretly be part of this organization… You should feel uneasy about the fact that everything you know and love about Steve Rogers can be upended.”
The same can be said for individuals like Snowden (we will leave for another time a discussion on whether he was justified or not for leaking intelligence secrets), Montes, and Lin, as well as Trujillo on the Cuban side.
Ultimately, Captain America will probably revert back to fighting Hydra instead of fighting for it – for instance, he could turn out to be some sort of double agent. As for the aforementioned real life cases of espionage by members of military and intelligence agencies, it is highly unlikely that it will be revealed that they were working for their home governments all along as part of some disinformation intelligence operation. Now that would be a plot twist.

Sunday, July 26, 2015

Presentation: Is Cuba a U.S. National Security Threat in 2015?



"Is Cuba a U.S. National Security Threat in 2015?"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Senior Research Fellow, Council on Hemispheric Affairs

"Charting a Course for Cuba"
The Washington Center
Track | International Affairs
July 24, 2015


Saturday, July 18, 2015

CIMSEC: Damen’s Presence in the Latin American and Caribbean Market, Part 1



"Damen's Presence in the Latin American and Caribbean Market"  - Part 1
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Center for International Maritime Security (CIMSEC)
July 18, 2015

Though shipbuilding is a competitive global industry, one company has become a major provider to the naval forces (coast guards included) of various Latin America and Caribbean states: Damen Shipyards Group. Damen is now a household name among Latin American and Caribbean navies as it provides multi-purpose vessels, patrol boats and speed boats. These sales have enhanced the capabilities of Damen’s clients as they face transnational threats.

While the defense budgets of Latin American and Caribbean states cannot be compared to those of the usual suspects (i.e. the U.S., Russia or China), a significant number of weapon deals have occurred in recent years between the Dutch-based company and these two regions.

Damen’s sale of technologically advanced vessels is a positive development for the region for a variety of reasons. Most notably, since Latin America and the Caribbean are enjoying a marked lack of inter-state conflict  (the last war between two regional states was in 1995), the region’s security forces are now focused largely on transnational crimes, particularly drug trafficking. Thus, it appears that Damen’s clientele will continue to grow for the immediate future as the company is looked upon as a reliable supplier of vessels necessary to combat criminal activities that occur at sea, particularly in the Greater Caribbean region.
  • Recent Sales

In order to discuss Damen’s effect on the shipbuilding industry and naval defense sector in Latin America and the Caribbean, a brief enumeration of confirmed deals and equipment delivery is necessary. This will also give us a clearer view of Damen’s clients.

The Caribbean
Damen has a number of clients in the Caribbean whose naval forces are more akin to coast guards rather than traditional navies. One good example is the Bahamas, which formalized a deal with Damen in 2014 for a variety of vessels, including four Stan Patrol 4207, four SPa 3007, and one roll-off ship Stand Lander 5612. The shipbuilding portion of this multi-faceted contract is valued at around $149 million.

The company has already delivered the four 4207 patrol boats. Moreover, this past January the Damen Gorinchen shipyard in the Netherlands received the hull for the Stan Patrol 3007. It is important for the 3007 to become operational soon as this vessel is urgently needed by Nassau to combat narcotics trafficking, a further example of how Damen technology is being utilized for positive security initiatives.

Another one of Damen’s clients in the Caribbean is Trinidad & Tobago. This past May, the government in Port-of-Spain ordered 12 new vessels for its coast guard, including four type Stan Patrol 5009, two Fast Crew Supply 5009 and six Interceptor speedboats. The deal is worth $189 million USD. In early June, the “TTS Point Lisas” (GC 23), one of the FCS ships, was delivered to the Caribbean government.

Latin America
When it comes to the mainland, several Latin American states are turning to Damen for naval equipment. For example, the Colombian Navy purchased one of Damen’s Swath-type vessels, which was constructed in Singapore.  Additionally, in 2014, Ecuador signed a deal with Damen to obtain two Stan Patrol 5009 for the country’s coast guard. The vessels are being constructed in Ecuador by the country’s shipyard, Astilleros Navales Ecuatorianos, under the oversight of Damen technicians. Additionally, Damen obtained a contract in early 2014 to construct a fourth Stan Patrol 2606 (the country already operates three),  which will also be built in Ecuador.

Additionally, Mexico and Venezuela have purchased various types of Damen’s vessels. Just this past January, the Mexican Navy received the Coast Guard vessel Tenochtitlan-class “ARM Mitla” (PC-334), which was constructed as a joint project between the shipyards of the Secretaria de Marina (the Mexican Navy) in Tamaulipas and Damen. The “Mitla” is based on the Stan Patrol 4207 model. This is the second of two vessels that Mexico and Damen are building together following a 2014 agreement. The other vessel is a supply variant of the Fast Crew Supplier 5009. Like the “Mitla,” it is also being constructed in Mexico’s Sonora state. These developments suggest that Damen has become an integral part of the country’s naval shipbuilding. Apart from the aforementioned vessels, SEMAR and Damen jointly constructed three other patrol vessels based on the 5009 model.

As for Venezuela, Caracas has ordered a number of new vessels for its Navy including a 2014 deal for 18 type Interceptor 1102 speedboats. The speedboats are being constructed in Cuba under the Havana-Caracas cooperation agreement. The first of these vessels arrived this past May and is currently undergoing testing. In addition, Damen has also constructed four support vessels for the South American nation based on the Stan Lander 5612 model. On February 2014, a new contract was signed for an additional eight vessels, a deal worth around $132 million USD. Finally, Venezuela’s military complex (UCOCAR) in Puerto Cabello is building five patrol boats based on the Stan Patrol 2606 model. The country’s navy already has one operational vessel based on that model, the “Pagalo” (PG-51).

Cuba’s Shipyards
It is important to note that Damen has a construction facility, Damex Shipbuilding & Engineering, in Cuba. The facilities, which were established in 1995, are located in the bay of Santiago de Cuba. Damen’s website explains that “the yard is equipped with one slipway provided with transverse parking facilities for new buildings and repairs and a lateral slipway for new buildings of up to 100 metres.” As previously noted, the shipyards have constructed vessels for Venezuela.

  • The Honduran Affair

It is important to stress that not all Damen deals have been scandal-free. This is best exemplified by a 2013 contract via which the government of Honduras purchased six Interceptor speedboats and two Stan Patrol 4207. The contract deal was reportedly worth almost $62 million. However in late 2013, the Honduran judiciary investigated it due to various irregularities, specifically the accusation that the vessels were overpriced  – according to the Honduran newspaper La Prensa,the vessels were overpriced by some $29 million. The newspaper argued that the Honduran Secretariats of Defense and Finance created a paper company called “Servicios Maritimos S.A.,” which was utilized by Florentius Antonious Florentius Kluck,  a Dutch citizen and honorary consul, as the intermediary for the sale.


In spite of these accusations, the deal ultimately went through, and the Honduran Navy has begun to receive the vessels. This is an important deal for Honduras since drug traffickers utilize the country’s coast for transporting illegal narcotics, and thus it is especially necessary for small Central American country to have vessels that can locate and seize the infamous narco-speedboats. Nevertheless, the details of the deal themselves are problematic, as the question its transparency and whether the Honduran government could have obtained similar vessels at a cheaper price. Even more, even though the Honduran judiciary never passed judgment on the  deal, scandals like the Honduran affair throw into question whether other contracts gained by Damen were due to shadowy middle men and nefarious deals.

Presentation: "U.S.-Western Hemisphere Relations And The U.S.-Cuba Rapprochement"


"U.S.-Western Hemisphere Relations and the U.S.-Cuba Rapprochement"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Senior Research Fellow, Council on Hemispheric Affairs

July 15, 2015
American University, Washington Semester Program


Thursday, July 9, 2015

Blouin Beat: One more time: Colombia’s FARC announces ceasefire

 

 "One more time: Colombia’s FARC announces ceasefire"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Blouin Beat: World
July 8, 2015
Originally published: http://blogs.blouinnews.com/blouinbeatworld/2015/07/08/one-more-time-colombias-farc-announces-ceasefire/

On Wednesday July 8, the largest Colombian narco-insurgent movement in Colombia, the FARC (short for Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia) announced a new unilateral ceasefire starting this upcoming July 20. It is supposed to last for one month.

The FARC has waged a war against the Colombian government since the early 1960s. At its height in the mid-1990s, it had around 16,000 fighters but current estimates put its number of fighters at under 8,000. A large number of these fighters are minors, and the insurgents, in a goodwill move, declared this past February that they will stop recruiting fighters under 17. While the move was generally praised, the group was critiqued because while it promised to stop recruiting new underage fighters, it will not release the ones it currently has in its ranks.

But in spite of having less than half the fighters it had almost two decades ago, many of whom are minors, the FARC have yet to be militarily defeated – making them continual a thorn in Bogotá’s security side. During his first presidential term, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos chose a different tactic, as bilateral negotiations between the government and the insurgents started in Norway in 2012, before moving to Cuba. The two sides have been meeting in the Cuban nation for the past three years, and while several issues have been agreed upon, a final (and permanent) agreement has yet to be reached.

One obvious worry is that the negotiations could go nowhere and full-blown war could start once again. This is of particular concern for large segments of the Colombian military that fear the negotiations and ceasefires are part of the FARC’s plan to re-organize forces to launch a new wave of offensives. This scenario is not so far-fetched – in fact, it happened in the late 1990s when former President Andres Pastrana launched his own wave of negotiations, which were ultimately unsuccessful.

Apart from the fact that the negotiations have been dragging on for three years, clashes between the security forces and the insurgents have continued. In May, the Colombian armed forces attacked a rebel camp in the Cauca department, killing 26 fighters. Nevertheless, the government has suffered setbacks. This past June, three people, (a lieutenant colonel from the Colombian police, another officer, and a civilian) were killed in the Nariño department when they were attacked via explosives. According to the Colombian government, the police officers survived the explosions but were summarily executed afterwards. More recently, in early July, one soldier was killed and two were injured, all members of the Army’s Sixth Division, in another clash with the FARC in the Putumayo department. The FARC last declared a unilateral cease this past December 2014 and while it lasted for a few months, it has been effectively over since the May attack.

In other words, the recent declaration by the FARC’s peace negotiators in Havana that there will be a new ceasefire is important, as this may give a new momentum to the peace talks. The insurgents have requested that President Santos agree to a bilateral ceasefire, but at the time of this writing there has been no response from Bogotá on that matter. (Santos did tweet that he “values” the FARC’s gesture but “more is needed, particularly a real compromise to speed up the negotiations”).
It is difficult to be optimistic about the peace negotiations nowadays. The longer they drag on the more chances there are for them to be derailed completely. Lasting peace agreements between governments and rebel movements are possible, however, as best exemplified by Colombia’s successful negotiations with the M-19 insurgents in the late 1980s. Nevertheless, the FARC have proven to be a much trickier and complicated entity to negotiate with. Hopefully this new ceasefire will be permanent, but history is not on its side.

Thursday, April 9, 2015

Interview: Cuba: Obama is much more popular than Castro brothers. Why?

"Cuba: Obama is much more popular than the Castro brothers. Why?"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
Interview
Matisak's Blog (A Stamp on the World)


According to one published poll US President Barack Obama is much more popular in Cuba than Castro brothers. Why would you say it is so, how would you read the mood of Cubans out of it?Read few comments.
W. Alex SanchezResearch Fellow, Council on Hemispheric Affairs
It would be bizarre to believe that in 2015 the population of an authoritarian state like Cuba would truly believe that the U.S. is “the enemy.” Sure, the internet does not have a widespread presence in the Caribbean island as in other countries, but it does have an impact. Additionally, relaxed travel rules allow for Cuban Americans to return to the island and tell their relatives that Washington is some kind of “evil empire,” that is prepared to invade their country.
Moreover, since his election, President Obama himself has been viewed positively by the Latin American masses. His handshake with President Raul Castro during Nelson Mandela’s funeral, while it may have been improvised and inevitable because the two leaders ran into each other and it would have been too awkward for them not to greet, was widely covered in Latin America, as a sign that Washington and Havana under Obama and Raul Castro could fix their historical differences.
Finally, this poll was taken in March, months after the historic December 2014 speech in which both governments declared their intentions to improve relations, so Obama has probably that going on for him.
I would say that this poll may be slightly bias. The Miami Herald explains that this was a “secret” poll taken from 1,200 adults without the knowledge and approval of the Cuban government. So one can only wonder if the support rates for Obama or disapproval for the Castros are in some way skewed even more because of the fear that some Cubans may have felt of getting into trouble for taking part of a secret poll.

Sebastian ArcosAssociate Director, Cuban Research Institute, Florida International University
Although I am not familiar with the methodology used in this poll –and therefore cannot take its validity for granted- I am not surprised by this particular result. Cubans see  in President Obama what they would like to see in their own leaders: Obama is young while most of the Cuban leadership is older than 80; Obama is black-like a majority of Cubans are- while the Cuban leadership is overwhelmingly white; Obama is accountable to the media and to a Congress controlled by the opposition party, while the Cuban leadership is accountable to no one; Obama is willing to give his enemies the benefit of the doubt, while the Cuban leadership calls its opponents “mercenaries” and “traitors” and will not even allow the Ladies in White to march in silence to church without harassment.
Cubans are tired of 57 years of sacrifices, scarcity, repression and propaganda. They need hope in their lives, and they are hopeful that the new policy implemented by President Obama will make their miserable lives a little easier. More than anything, that explains Obama’s popularity. Unfortunately, they will be disappointed.

Tuesday, January 20, 2015

VOXXI: Will Obama mention Cuba in State of the Union speech?

"Will Obama Mention Cuba in State of the Union speech?"
W. Alejandro Sanchez
VOXXI
January 20, 2015
Originally published: http://voxxi.com/2015/01/cuba-obama-state-of-the-union/
President Obama will deliver his State of the Union address on Tuesday night, and, unlike previous years, there is expectation regarding whether the future of U.S.-Latin America relations will be addressed or simply overlooked.
The address comes days after lifting several sanctions against Cuba, hence it will be interesting to see if the U.S. head of state will pressure the now Republican-controlled Congress to consider lifting the decades-old embargo as well.
(Some) Sanctions Lifted
This past Friday, January 15, the U.S. Department of Treasury announced that, following President Obama’s historic December 17 speech, a revised Cuban Assets Control Regulations (CACR) and Export Administration Regulations (EAR) will be published, reflecting the changes in Washington’s new policy towards the Caribbean island.
While U.S. citizens still cannot travel to Cuba freely, the December 17 announcement offers more alternatives to travel to the Caribbean island. For example, U.S. citizens can now go for “professional research and professional meetings; educational activities; religious activities; public performances, clinics, workshops, athletic and other competitions, and exhibitions,” among other reasons.
Moreover, the Treasury Department has announced, “travelers will now be allowed to use U.S. credit and debit cards in Cuba.” This is quite a significant development, as it will permit visitors to spend more money in Cuba without having to exchange it for the local currency first.
As for bringing Cuban goods into the country, the new policy states “U.S. travelers to Cuba will be allowed to import up to $400 worth of goods acquired in Cuba for personal use. This includes no more than $100 of alcohol or tobacco products.” Considering that cigars and rum are Cuban trademarks, even a relatively small amount like $100 USD still allows for plenty of cigars and bottles of liquor to be brought back to the United States.
Nevertheless, while these are important developments, the state-controlled Cuban media has highlighted that large segments of the embargo remain in place. For example, the newspaper Juventud Rebelde published an op-ed on January 17, which stresses how “open tourism” is still prohibited, as well as a ban on imports and exports (with few exceptions) between the two countries.
Concerns Regarding the Cuban Government
Predictably, Republican lawmakers have critiqued the President’s initiatives – case in point, Senator (and Republican presidential hopeful) Marco Rubio has declared that “I’m going to continue to oppose the … Obama-Paul foreign policy on Cuba because I know it won’t lead to freedom and liberty for the Cuban people, which is my sole interest here.” (Rubio meant Senator Rand Paul, who has supported the White House’s new policy).
Moreover, the debate on the new U.S.-Cuba relations and its effects on the island is not only taking place in Washington. The Cuban digital newspaper 14ymedio, run by the renowned Cuban opposition blogger Yoani Sanchez, published a commentary on January 16 about what renewed relations may mean for the Cuban Government in the long run. Specifically, the article was concerned that the country’s economy will be transformed into “state-run capitalism, controlled by an authoritarian political-military elite” with ties to U.S. capital.
The difference here is that Senator Rubio is in favor of maintaining the embargo, while even Cuban critics of the Castro regime want the embargo to be lifted, though the latter also want renewed U.S.-Cuba relations to go hand in hand with changes in the Cuban government.
So far, the Cuban Government has complied with U.S. requests, including releasing the U.S. citizen Alan Gross and 53 political prisoners. Nevertheless, a valid concern is whether the powers-that-be in Havana plan to remain in power even as relations with Washington improve.
The island is scheduled to hold municipal elections in April (over 14 thousand spots are up for grabs); this will be the first major test of the Cuban government in the post-agreement era to showcase that it is willing to allow opposition voices in its decision-making bodies.
Negotiations and Internal Politics
U.S.-Cuba relations are going through a very important momentum as, apart from more relaxed travel and commercial policies, diplomatic initiatives are increasing. At the time of this writing, Senator Patrick Leahy (VT-D) is leading a congressional delegation on a three-day trip to the Caribbean state.
Moreover, this upcoming January 21-22, Roberta Jacobson, the Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere, will lead another delegation to Cuba to discuss migration issues as well as the reestablishment of diplomatic ties.
Given these high-ranking delegations traveling to Cuba, and the fact that U.S.-Cuba relations have been widely discussed by the global media since the December announcement, it will be interesting to see if President Obama maintains his current momentum by mentioning Cuba in his upcoming State of the Union address.
The recently freed Gross will attend the event, so the President could mention him as segue to asking congress to discuss the future of the embargo.